The MALINDO DEFENCE Daily

Thursday, February 4, 2010

A video of confession and Phone Tap on Anwar Ibrahim alleged affair




"You can fool some people all the time and you can fool all people some of the time... but DSAI, you can never fool all the people all the time !"


* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

Laporan secara terus dari mahkamah (Hari ke 2)



by
Unspinners


Sekian sahaja laporan direct telecast dari kami. Kes ditangguh ke esok pukul 9:30 pagi. Sesi soaljawab antara DPP dengan Saiful akan bersambung dan dijangka akan berkisar semasa Saiful diperiksa dan menerima rawatan. Mahkamah akan kembali ke tempat kejadian sekali lagi.

Anwar sedang bercakap dengan peguamnya. Wajahnya agak murung.

Jam 4:25 - Mahkamah ditangguh.

Karpal minta untuk pergi ke pejabat pentadbiran kondo tempat kejadian sekali lagi esok. Adakah untuk melambat-lambatkan mahkamah?.

Jam 4:20 - Public prosecutor menunjukkan alat besi yang digunakan untuk sampel dari dubur Saiful. Kelihatan Anwar tersenyum. Rupa macam dia punya anukah? Dia nampaknya sibuk menyalin nota sambil berlakun sakit dan cuba menenagkan jiwa.

Jam 4:08 - Saiful menerangkan bahawa Dr Osman Pusrawai menasihatkan dia pergi ke hospital kerajaan kerana Dr Osman kata Pusrawai tidak ada kelengkapan.

Hahahaha RPK kantol. Spin dia tak laku.

Dr Osman sendiri secara tidak langsung kata laporan dia tak lengkap. Baca juga blog Syed Akbar sini dan blog Dr Novandri.

Jam 4:07 - Saiful menyatakan kepada doktor yang memeriksanya di HKL iaitu Dr Daniel bahawa dia telah diliwat oleh Anwar

Jam 4:00 - Kemudian dia ke Hospital KL. Saiful terangkan apa yang dilalui semasa di HKL. Anwar terpopong gamam dan termenung melihat Saiful memberi keterangan.

Masa itulah dia pegang pinggang dan pura-pura sakit pinggang. Pemerhati dari para juri dari Academy of Motion Art and Science dilihat mencatit sesuatu dalam nota. Pasti ada harapan dicalun Academy Award untuk Pelakun terbaik tahun ini.

Jam 3:57 - Pada 26 Jun Saiful buat laporan di PUSRAWAI bersama TUAH, bapa saudaranya. DIa diperiksa oleh Dr Mohd Osaman Abd Hamid.


Jam 3:40 - Saiful ditunjukkan gambar CCTV seorang lelaki dalam lif oleh DPP. Dia mengaku itu adalah dirinya semasa datang dan balik.

Jam 3:34 - Perbicaraan bersambung. Hakim membuat keputusan tidak caj tuduhan hina mahkamah (contempt of court) terhadap Utusan Malaysia. Muka Karpal jadi monyok sepuloh sen. Dia bengang betul. Masih dengan hujah bahawa ini adalah hin amahkamah. Pasti paper lain lagi teruk. Saja nak kenakan Utusan. Hakim kata tak puas hati buatlah polis repot. Kata Ronnie tak percaya polis, buat apa DAP nak buat polis report kan?

Perbicaraan diteruskan dengan DPP menunjukkan gambar CCTV lokasi pada hari kejadian. Anwar kelihatan duduk beralaskan bantal. Dah mula berlakun sakit punggung pulak. Dia yang sodok punggung orang tapi punggung dia pulak sakit. Kak Wan buat apa malam tadi?


Jam 3:05 - Hakim minta rehat 5 minit untuk buat keputusan mengenai ini. Cross examination tidak mula lagi. Melarat sampai petang dah dapat tangguh.

Jam 2:55 - Kes patut bermual dengan cross examination tapi Karpak melalut sedikit mengadu mengenai laporan Utusan Malaysia yang menyiarkan berita bertajuk "Tak Rela diliwat lagi". Anwar Ibrahim kelihatan mengambil nota. Ianya cara untuk dia hilangkan gemuruh. Saiful masih dibilik menunggu untuk saksi.

Karpal nak perlecehkan mahkamah nampaknya. Pergi melalut jata Utusan dimiliki UMNO yang diketuai Najib. Berita itu berniat jahat dengan menyiarkan berita tersebut.

Jam 2:53 - Perbicaraan akan bermula semula.

Jam 2.25 - Anwar masuk ke kamar. DIa nampak runsingkan talipon Black berry tadi tertinggal.

----------------------

1:05 PM - Semua pihak sampai ke mahkamah. Hakim isytihat tangguh untuk makan tengahhari dan kembali pukul 2:30 tengahhari. HAVE A NICE LUNCH.

Jam 12:15-1:00 PM - Hakim bertanyakan macam mana keadaan bilik, langsir ditutup ke, cahaya dalam bilik, bilik air dan lain-lain. Saiful beri keterangan dari masuk post guard kondo hingga ke unit 11-5-1. Semasa di dalam bilik Saiful memberi demonstrasi bagaimana dia diliwat oleh Anwar. Selesai lebih kurang pada pukul 12:30 dan pulang.

AIDC melaporkan hakim dah pulang ke mahkamah tetapi patahbalik. Baca sini.

Jam 12.05 - Hakim, DPP, peguam dan pihak Saiful sampai. Semua sekali rombongan ada dalam 50 orang. Terdengar jeritan "dayus" dan "mangkuk ayun" terhadap Saiful.

Jam 11:51 - ANwar baru bertolak ke tempat kejadian. Menyamar kaki terhencut-hencut dengan ditolong pembantu. Nak berlakun minta kasihan ke? Pasti dida akan tuduh polis melakukan kekasaran. Kalau tak, dia akan buat cerita hakim tua tumbuk dia bila di apanggil lackey.

Harap diberi polis escort. Nanti dia akan sengaja buat kemalangan dan minta tunda bicara.

Jam 11.50 - Hakim, para peguam dan SAIFUL bertolak melawat tempat kejadian di Bukit Damansara.

Bicara dalam tertutup tamat dan kami akan usaha cari apa yang dikata oleh Saiful tadi.

Sementara itu, kami ingin berkongsi petikan laporan berita mengenai kata-kata DPP semalam:
"The prosecution says they will establish the sodomy charge against Anwar beyond reasonable doubt. They contend that they will prove the case from direct evidence from Mohd Saiful and forensic testimony from doctors and chemists." (The Star Online)
Selama ini kami ingat, pihak pendakwa ada hanya bukti forensic tapi rupanya direct evidence.

Apakah direct evidence tersebut? Adakah laporan HKL menunjukkan ada tanda? Kita tahu PKR mahu menipu dan buat permainan persepsi menggunakan laporan Pusrawi. Kalau benar ada direct evidence, keadaan Anwar susah.

Anwar Ibrahim perlu bertaubat. Betulkan peguambela Karpal Singh????

Jam 11.00 - Hakim, DPP dan peguambela dilihat bergerak ke tempat kejadian di Kondominium Desa Damansara.

Jam 10:54 - Saiful selesai memberi keterangan. Butiran kami belum dapat. Namun demikian, beliau nampak lega dan yakin seolah-olah telah mendedahkan sesuatu perkara yang akan membuktikan kebenaran.

Jam 10:50 - Seorang rakan menerangkan Kami kenapa Anwar takut dihadapkan ke High Court terus. Kalau disahkan salah, dia akan terus pindah balik ke rumah lama di Sg Buloh. Sebarang appeal dibuat dari dalam.

Kalau di peringkat Sesyen Court, dia boleh berada di luar sementara menunggu appeal dan seterusnya sebelaum menjalani hukuman. Betulkah tidak?

Sementara menunggu maklumat terbaru, kami ingin berkongsi maklumat yang diterima melalui email tentang satu mesyuarat penting yang akan diadakan oleh PKR yang melibatkan semua Pengerusi Setiausaha MPN, dan Ketua2 dan Setiausaha2 Cabang di sebuah hotel di Shah Alam.

Mesyuarat adalah pagi Sabtu dan tertutup. Tujuannya apa lagi kalau tidak nak buat propaganda kata kes ini konspirasi. Caranya adalah cuba mengungkit kes lama yang berlainan pemain, waktu, kes dan orang2nya melainkan Anwar dan peguam2nya.

Dipercayai PKR sedang merancang rusuhan dan berusaha sampai dapat menggambarkan polis ke kacamata dunia sebagai zalim dan kasar. Sadis betul orang-orrang Mat Leather yang merancang mereka dipukul dan kasari.

Kami rasa PKR sudah terdesak. Penyokong tak datang ramai2 ke Mahkamah. Malam tadi briefing di HQ PKR tak ada orang ramai, melainkan wartawan dan aktivis PKR.

Jam 1030 - Saiful masuk kamar dengan tenang. Anwar dalam kandang saksi memerhati dengan tajam kepada saiful. Rasanya bukan pandangan bernafsu. Nakpak agak tertekan. DUlu dia tekan orang, takpa sekarang dia tertekan.

Jam 10:25 Anwar masuk kandang saksi dengan keadaan agak stress sambil menghantar SMS mengguna Blackberry Bold (advertisement). Mungkin SMS kepada Wan Azizah terus membohong isterinya dia tidak pernah meliwat dan dia tidak gay. Bicara bermula.

Jam 1010 - Saiful di bilik saksi dan kelihatan berbual dengan bapa sambil mendengar walkman lagu 'Semerah Padi' untuk memberi semangat. Keyakinan penuh nampak terpancar di wajah Saiful setelah banyak nasihat diberi oleh bapa, lawyer, Investigating Officer (IO) dan Deputy Public Prosecutor (DPP). Bicara belum mula dan tunggu dipanggil.

Jam 10:00 - Anwar masuk dgn senyuman yg terserlah kerisauan. Tak senyum tak boleh. Nak senyum tak pandai.

Jam 9:50 - Anwar berbincang dengan Karpal Singh, dan Sankara Nair. Dari raik wajah, kelihatan timbul kerisauan berhubung pembelaan kesnya. Perbincanngan sangat serius. Ini beberapa ketika sebelum keterangan Saiful.

Kehadhiran setakat pukul 9:30 pagi tadi, hanya kelihatan dalam 30 orang wartwan di dalam lobi mahkamah yang mana kebanyakkan adalah wartawan. Di luar lobi pun dalam 30 penyokong termasuk Zuraidah Kamarauddin. So please la ... Don't touch her. She is no pretty also.

Tempat-tempat lain pun begitu juga keadaan.

Jam 0936 - Anwar masuk kamar. Kelihatan serabut. Nampak macam tenang, tapi agak stress mukanya yang kelihatan agak merah. Saiful pula asyik dengar walkman mungkin dengar surah yassin mencari ketenangan.

Jam 0935 - Sankara Nair agak kelam kabut melihat akhbar utusan mengenai artikel kes Anwar. Mungkin dia fikir memalukan defense seorang pesalah.

Jam 0930 - Karpal sampai depan kamar. Kelihatan macam keliru untuk menghadapi apa lagi kenyataan saiful sebentar lagi.

Jam 0915 - Saiful sampai ditemani bapa dan lawyer dengan tenang dan confiden

Mahkamah akan berlangsung tanpa penuntun di bawah kamera antara hakim, peguam2, Anwar dan Saiful. Kita akan cuba siarkan seberapa makluamt yang dapat.




* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

Who is MALAY ?

by Aizley Shahar



Who is Malay ?

There been ruckus about malay rights... malay ultra... malay extremist..."pendatang malay"... mamak malay.... who is Malay ?


Well, some of them would say that their ancestor had live in the Malay Archipelago for hundreds and hundreds of years.... which included the Malay peninsular, the Sumatran, Borneo and Philippines island.. They were part of the old malay empire that included the Kedah old Govt....and later Melacca and Johor-Riau Sultanate that ruled most of these areas from as early as  1200s till when the arrival of the Portuguese explorer (which for your information, his decendent is considered bumi(s) yaa ) ... Alfonso D'Albuqerque in 1511..

Some of them even came as late as turn of the century... where a lot of migration from Sumatra and Javanese Island during the tin and rubber rush...


Well, if you want to address this way,, good luck... because until the end of time.. you can never satisfy everyone...

so, what has happened that the Reid Commission has wrote down in the constitution of federation of malaya the definition of Malay in the eye of the law...


1)  A Muslim Citizen... (have to be born before 1957)

2) Use Malay language as their mother tongue... (for your info, my family from my mother side is Javanese, so, my late grand uncle was denied his scholarship because he was not consider truly a Malay and the reason being he has a Javanese name).....

3) Live his/her life as a Malay. ie having a Malay name... consider by a normal person standard is a Malay.


BY LAW, anyone has all the above is a BANGSA MELAYU...


Many Indian Muslim that assimilate and become Bangsa Melayu within 2 generation...they even have their kind leaders and Ministers in UMNO, the prime party of Malay in Malaysia.


I will give you a prime example:

When I was in the Boy's Wing, Royal Military College... I had an Officer Commanding  (OC) who is from the Royal Malay Regiment.  For your info, there are many type of regiment in the Malaysian army but this specific regiment consisted of 100% of the largest race in Malaysia.  This was formed by the Colonial British in the request by the Malay Rulers as the protector of Malaya States.  His father was a well know headmaster from King Edward VIII school in Taiping who is an Indian muslim.

However, when you look closely at my OC, he is not that dark compere to other 'Mamak fella",  Even  by his name, no one knew that by blood, he is not related to any Malay !!.. later did i found out that his mother is Chinese !!

so, when you mixed black coffee with milk.. you get brown coffee !!! hehehe....


For you information, for someone to be accepted and serve in the ROYAL MALAY REGIMENT.. you have to be a Malay... and from there, i found out that he is.... in the eyes of the LAW !

Apparently, both his parents has embraced the Malay race and called it their own and been accepted by the local malay community....the mother had converted to muslim to marry the father and both detached from their own mother tongue had had called Malay language as their own...


This fine gentleman rose to the rank of a Major General in the RMR before retiring who himself married to a Malay lady and now all their children is of course MELAYU 100%....


something to ponder i suppose...  hmmmm



* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

Semen stains belong to Anwar, prosecution claims


By Shazwan Mustafa Kamal
KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 3 — Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s Sodomy II trial finally started today with the prosecution firing their first salvo by saying they had evidence to show semen stains found on Mohd Saiful Bukhari Azlan belonged to the Opposition Leader.
In their opening statement, the prosecution told the High Court that tissue samples taken from the outer and inner part of Saiful’s anus were examined for a DNA match.
The prosecution said it would bring to the court testimonies to show the semen stains have been confirmed by authorities from the Chemist Department as belonging to Anwar.
The prosecution will also rely on direct testimony from Saiful.
Anwar is accused of sodomising his former aide Mohd Saiful Bukhari Azlan on June 26, 2008 at a posh condominium in the exclusive Bukit Damansara suburb in Kuala Lumpur.
He has denied the charge, saying it’s a conspiracy similar to his first charge in 1998.
The 63-year-old Opposition Leader was freed in September 2004 and later resurrected his political career by winning back his Permatang Pauh parliamentary seat, that was held in the interim by his wife, in a by-election in 2008.
He had earlier led the opposition Pakatan Rakyat to a historic sweep of four states and 82 parliamentary seats in Election 2008.
But he was then mired with the accusation from 24-year-old Saiful, whom Anwar dismissively said was just a “coffee boy.”


* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

Anwar’s trial adjourned for visit to condominium


By Asrul Hadi Abdullah Sani
KUALA LUMPUR, Jan 4 — Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s High Court trial was adjourned at 11am today for the prosecutors and defence team to visit the condominium where the Opposition Leader allegedly sodomised his former aide Mohd Saiful Bukhari Azlan.
Saiful, whom Anwar said was just his “coffee-boy”, was in the witness dock today at the second day of the trial but the hearing was held in camera due to the graphic nature of his testimony.
Solicitor-General II Datuk Mohd Yusof Zainal Abiden led the questioning on behalf of the prosecution before High Court Judge Datuk Mohamad Zabidin Mohd Diah.
The 62-year-old PKR de facto leader is charged with sodomising Saiful at Unit 11-5-1 of the Desa Damansara Condominium in Jalan Setiakasih, Bukit Damansara, between 3.01pm and 4.30pm on June 26, 2008.
The former deputy prime minister has denied the charge, describing it as “evil, frivolous lies by those in power” when the charge was read out to him.
He is charged under Section 377B of the Penal Code and can be sentenced to a maximum of 20 years in jail and whipping upon conviction. The trial is taking place 18 months after Anwar was charged in court in August 2008.
Anwar’s lead counsel Karpal Singh yesterday asked for Saiful’s testimony to be heard in-camera  after he graphically described Anwar’s use of profanity in asking for sex.
He also said the visit to the condominium required the use of a password which he said was “Mokhtar”.
The 24-year-old had also testified he had worked for Anwar for four months, from early March 2008 to June 28 of the same year, and stopped being the Permatang Pauh MP’s special aide because he did not want to be further abused.
Anwar was charged with sodomy and corruption in 1998 after he was sacked from the Cabinet and was later convicted and jailed for both offences. He was freed in September 2004 and later resurrected his political career by winning back his Permatang Pauh parliamentary seat in a by-election in 2008, which had been held in the interim by his wife.
He had earlier led the opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat, to a historic sweep of five states and 82 parliamentary seats in Election 2008.




* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

Reid Commission - The Original Document


POLITICAL TESTAMENT BETWEEN UMNO, MCA & MIC






Dibawah ini pulak petikan artikel dari blog Chedet bertarikh July 12, 2008.

1. Before there was Malaya and Malaysia the peninsular was known as Tanah Melayu, or Malay Land.

2. Saying this alone would result in accusations of being racist.

3. But I need to go back in history if I am going to be able to explain about Malaysia's social contract.

4. Through treaties signed by the Rulers of the Malay States of the Peninsular the British acquired the right to rule the Malay States. These treaties obviously recognised and legitimised the States as Malay States. No one disputed this. Even the aborigines accepted this as shown by their submission to the rule of the Malay Sultans.

5. Initially the peoples living in the States were divided into indigenous Malays and aborigines who were subjects of the Malay rulers and foreign guests who were not subjects of the rulers. There were no citizenship or documents about citizenship status as in most countries.

6. The foreign guests prospered in the British ruled Malay States and in the British colonies of Penang, Malacca and Singapore. The Malay subjects of the Rulers and the Rulers themselves did not feel threatened by the numbers of these non-Malays and the disparities between the general wealth and progress of the foreign guests and the subjects of the Rulers. They did not think that the foreigners who had settled in the country would ever demand citizenship rights.

7. When Japan conquered the Malay States and the colonies of the Straits Settlements, the Chinese felt insecure as the Japanese were their historical enemies.

8. Many Chinese formed and joined guerilla forces and disappeared into the jungle. When Japan surrendered the Chinese guerillas came out and seized many police stations in the interior and declared that they were the rulers of the country. They seized many people, Chinese and Malays and executed a number of them.

9. Malay villagers retaliated by killing the Chinese in the rural areas. Tension rose and a Sino-Malay war was only averted because of the arrival of British forces. But the ill feeling and animosity between the two races remained high.

10. It was in this tensed situation that the British proposed the Malayan Union which would give the "guests" the right of citizenship as indistinguishable from that of the Malays.

11. The Malays rejected the Malayan Union and its citizenship proposal. They forced the British to return to the status quo ante in a new Federation of Malaya.

12. Only Chinese who were British subjects in the colonies of the Straits Settlements were eligible to become citizens in this new Federation. Naturally the Malay citizens far outnumbered the Chinese Malayan citizens.

13. Chinese leaders appealed to the British, who then persuaded the UMNO President, Dato Onn Jaafar to propose to open UMNO to all races. This proposal was rejected by the other UMNO leaders and Dato Onn had to resign.

14. The British kept up the pressure for the Malays to be more liberal with citizenship for non-Malays.

15. Tunku Abdul Rahman, the President of UMNO decided on a coalition with MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) and the MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress). In the 1955 elections to the Federal Legislative Assembly, since there were very few constituencies with Chinese or Indian majorities, the MCA and MIC partners had to put up candidates in Malay majority constituencies after UMNO undertook not to contest in these constituencies but to support MCA Chinese and MIC Indian candidates instead.

16. Such was the support of the Malays for the MCA and MIC alliance candidates that they won even against Malay candidates from PAS. The MCA and MIC candidates all won. Only UMNO lost one constituency against PAS.

17. The Tunku as Chief Minister of a self-governing Federation of Malaya then decided to go for independence. The British continued to inisist on citizenship rights for the Chinese and Indians as a condition for giving independence.

18. To overcome British resistance to independence and to gain the support of the Chinese and Indians, the Tunku decided to give one million citizenship to the two communities based purely on residence. One notable new citizen was (Tun) Leong Yew Koh, a former general in the Chinese National Army who was later appointed Governor of Malacca.

19. It was at this stage that the leaders of the three communal parties who had formed the Government of self-governing British Federation of Malaya, discussed and reached agreement on the relationship between the three communities in an independent Federation of Malaya.

20. It was to be a quid pro quo arrangement. In exchange for the one million citizenships the non-Malays must recognise the special position of the Malays as the indigenous people. Certain laws such as the pre-eminence of Islam as the state religion, the preservation of Malay reserve land, the position of the Malay Rulers and Malay customs and the distribution of Government jobs were included in the understanding.

21. On the question of national language it was agreed that Malay would be the national language. English should be the second language. The Chinese and Indians could continue to use their own languages but not in official communication.

22. Chinese and Tamil primary schools can use their languages as teaching media. They can also be used in secondary schools but these have to be private schools.

23. For their part the Chinese and Indian leaders representing their parties and communities demanded that their citizenship should be a right which could not be annulled, that they should retain their language, religion and culture, that as citizens they should have political rights as accorded to all citizens.

24. Much of these agreements and understandings are reflected in the Federal Constitution of Independent Malaya. For everything that is accorded the Malays, there is always a provision for non-Malays. Few ever mention this fact. The only thing that attracts everyone's attention and made a subject of dispute is what is accorded the Malays and other indigenous people.

25. Thus although Malay is to be the National Language, Chinese and Tamil can be used freely and in the Chinese and Tamil schools. In no other country has there been a similar provision. Even the most liberal countries do not have this constitutional guarantee.

26. The national language is to be learnt by everyone so that Malayan citizens can communicate with each other everywhere.

27. It was understood also that the Chinese language referred in the understanding were the Chinese dialects spoken in Malaysia, not the national language of China. Similarly for Malayan Indians the language was Tamil, not Hindi or Urdu or whatever became the national language of India. However, the Chinese educationists later insisted that the Chinese language must be the national language of China i.e. Mandarin.

28. The official religion is Islam but other religions may be practised by their adherents without any restriction. As the official religion, Islam would receive Government support. Nothing was said about support for the other religions. The non-Malays did not press this point and the Federal Constitution does not mention Government support for the other religions. Nevertheless such support have been given.

29. A quota was fixed for the Malayan Civil Service wherein the Malays would get four posts for every one given to Chinese or Indians. However it was recognised that the professional post would be open to all races as it was never thought possible there would be enough Malays to take up these posts.

30. The result was that in the early years of independence there were more non-Malays in Division 1 than Malays.

31. The Agong or the Rulers of the States should determine quotas of scholarships and licences for Malays. But no one should be deprived of whatever permits or licences in order to give to Bumiputras.

32. The position of the Malay Rulers was entrenched and could not be challenged. There would be a Paramount Ruler chosen from among the nine Rulers who would serve for five years.

33. The rulers were to be constitutional rulers. Executive power was to be exercised by elected Menteris Besar, Ketua Menteri (Chief Minister) and Prime Minister, assisted by members of councils and cabinets. The British practice was to be the model.

34. The most important understanding was the adoption of Parliamentary Democracy with a Constitutional Monarch, again after the United Kingdom model. It should be remembered that the British imposed an authoritarian colonial Government on the Malay State, the power resting with the Colonial Office in London.

35. Before these the Malay States were feudal with the Malay Rulers enjoying near absolute power. Only the elites played a role in State politics. The Malay subjects had no political rights at all. Certainly the guests had no say in politics. Even the Chinese and Indian British citizens had no say though they may be appointed as Municipal or Legislative Councillors.

36. The decision to adopt a democratic system of Government was a radical step in the governance of the Federation of Malaya and of the Malay States. This was agreed to by the leaders of the three major communities as represented by their political parties i.e. UMNO, MCA and MIC. There can be no doubt that these parties represented the vast majority of the three communities in Malaya. The Communists and the other leftists did not signify their agreement to the understanding.

37. The Reid Commission was briefed on all these agreements and understanding so that they will be reflected in the Constitution to be drawn up. All the three parties approved this Constitution after several amendments were made. In effect the Constitution became a contract binding on all the three communities in the Federation of Malaya upon attaining independence in 1957.

38. When Sabah and Sarawak joined the Peninsular States to form Malaysia the social contract was extended to the two Borneo States. The natives of Sabah and Sarawak were given the same status as the Malays. At this time the word Bumiputra was introduced to distinguish the indigenous Malays and Sabah, Sarawak natives from those descendants of foreign immigrants. Because Malay was widely used in the Borneo States there was no difficulty in the acceptance of Malay as the national language. The fact that the natives of the two states are not all Muslims necessitated no change in the Constitution once the word Bumiputra was accepted. But the official definition of a Malay remained.

39. The embodiment of the social contract is therefore the Constitution of first, the Federation of Malaya and then Malaysia.

40. To say it does not exist is to deny the contents of the Constitution which was based upon the acceptance by the leaders of the three communities of the original social contract.

41. All subsequent actions by the Government were the results of this social contract. The fact that the initiators of this social contract and their successors were endorsed by the people in every election reflects the undertaking of the people to honour this social contract.

42. Saying that the social contract does not exist is like saying that Malaysia exists in a vacuum, without a Constitution and laws based on this Constitution.

43. Implementing the social contract requires understanding of its spirit as much as the letter. The social contract is aimed at creating a multi-racial nation that is stable and harmonious. Any factor which would cause instability and result in confrontation between the races must be regarded as incompatible with the spirit of the social contract.

44. For 50 years no one seriously questioned the social contract. Even today the majority of Chinese and Indians and the indigenous Malays and natives of Sabah and Sarawak accept the social contract. But because Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi basically lost the 2008 election and now heads a weak Government the extremists and erstwhile detractors have questioned the social contract. The Bar Council has now become a political party believing that its expertise in law will exempt it from being questioned as to its credentials and its political objectives.

45. Abdullah's UMNO is incapable of countering any attack on the social contract. If anything untoward happens Abdullah and UMNO must bear responsibility.

*****


KONTRAK SOSIAL MALAYSIA

1. Sebelum adanya Malaya dan Malaysia, semenanjung ini dikenali sebagai Tanah Melayu.

2. Hanya berkata ini akan sebabkan kita dituduh bersifat perkauman.

3. Untuk terangkan berkenaan asal-usul kontrak sosial Malaysia saya terpaksa imbas semula sejarah.

4. Melalui perjanjian-perjanjian yang ditandatangani Raja-Raja Melayu Semenanjung, British telah mendapat hak untuk menakluk Negeri-negeri Melayu. Perjanjian-perjanjian ini mengakui dan mengesahkan Negeri-negeri ini sebagai Negeri-negeri Melayu. Tidak ada sesiapa pun yang membantah. Orang Asli juga menerima keadaan ini dengan penerimaan oleh mereka pemerintahan Raja-Raja Melayu.

5. Pada mulanya penduduk yang tinggal di Negeri-negeri ini dibahagi kepada orang Melayu dan Orang Asli yang merupakan rakyat Raja-raja Melayu dan tetamu asing yang tidak dianggap sebagai rakyat kepada Raja-raja Melayu. Tidak ada kewarganegaraan mahupun dokumen berkenaan taraf kerakyatan sepertimana di kebanyakan negara-negara lain.

6. Tetamu asing ini hidup mewah di Negeri-negeri Melayu di bawah pentadbiran British dan di jajahan British di Pulau Pinang, Melaka dan Singapura. Orang Melayu yang menjadi rakyat kepada Raja-raja Melayu dan Raja-raja Melayu sendiri tidak sikitpun merasa tergugat dengan bilangan besar orang bukan Melayu dan perbezaan jurang kekayaan dan kemajuan di antara tetamu asing ini dan rakyat Raja-Raja Melayu. Mereka tidak terfikir yang orang asing yang menetap di negara ini akan menuntut hak kewarganegaraan.

7. Apabila Jepun menakluk Negeri-negeri Melayu dan Negeri-negeri Selat, orang Cina merasa tidak selamat kerana Jepun merupakan musuh tradisi mereka.

8. Ramai orang Cina telah menubuhkan dan menganggotai angkatan gerila dan lari ke dalam hutan. Apabila Jepun serah diri, gerila-gerila Cina ini keluar dan merampas balai-balai polis di kawasan pedalaman dan isytihar yang mereka adalah pemerintah negara ini. Mereka menangkap ramai orang, Cina dan Melayu dan beberapa daripada mereka ini dibunuh.

9. Orang Melayu di kampung-kampung membalas dengan membunuh orang Cina di kawasan luar bandar. Ketegangan timbul dan pertempuran antara Cina dan Melayu dielak hanya dengan kedatangan angkatan tentera British. Tetapi perasaan marah dan benci antara kedua-dua kaum ini tetap tinggi.

10. Di dalam keadaan tegang ini British mencadang penubuhan Malayan Union yang akan memberi "tetamu-tetamu" ini hak kerakyatan yang tidak membezakan mereka daripada orang Melayu.

11. Orang Melayu menolak Malayan Union dan cadangan hak kerakyatan ini. Mereka paksa British untuk kembali keapda keadaan asal atau status quo ante di dalam Persekutuan Tanah Melayu (Federation of Malaya) yang baru.

12. Hanya orang Cina yang menjadi rakyat Negeri-negeri Selat layak untuk mendapat kerakyatan di dalam Persekutuan yang baru ini. Sudah tentu warganegara keturunan Melayu jauh lebih ramai daripada rakyat Malaya yang berketurunan Cina.

13. Pemimpin-pemimpin Cina merayu kepada British, yang kemudiannya menekan Presiden UMNO, Dato Onn Jaafar supaya mencadangkan agar UMNO dibuka kepada semua kaum. Cadangan ini ditolak lain-lain pemimpin UMNO dan Dato Onn terpaksa melepaskan jawatan.

14. British terus beri tekanan kepada orang Melayu untuk bersikap lebih terbuka berkenaan soal kerakyatan bagi orang bukan Melayu.

15. Presiden UMNO Tunku Abdul Rahman memutuskan untuk menubuhkan pakatan dengan MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) dan MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress). Dalam pilihanraya Majlis Perundangan Persekutuan (Federal Legislative Assembly) 1955, oleh kerana kurangnya kawasan majoriti penduduk Cina dan India, MCA dan MIC terpaksa letak calon mereka di kawasan yang mempunyai majoriti Melayu selepas UMNO bersetuju untuk tidak bertanding di kawasan-kawasan ini dan sebaliknya menyokong calon Cina MCA dan calon India MIC.

16. Begitu sokongan orang Melayu terhadap calon Perikatan MCA dan MIC hinggakan mereka menang walaupun menentang calon Melayu daripada PAS. Calon MCA dan MIC kesemuanya menang. Hanya UMNO kalah satu kerusi kepada PAS.

17. Tunku sebagai Ketua Menteri Persekutuan Tanah Melayu kemudian memutus untuk menuntut kemerdekaan. British terus berkeras menuntut hak kerakyatan bagi orang Cina dan India sebagai syarat memberi kemerdekaan.

18. Untuk mengatasi halangan British terhadap kemerdekaan dan untuk memenangi sokongan orang Cina dan India Tunku memutuskan untuk beri satu juta kerakyatan kepada kedua-dua komuniti ini berdasarkan hanya kepada permastautin. Salah seorang rakyat baru yang menonjol ialah (Tun) Leong Yew Koh, bekas general di dalam angkatan tentera nasional China yang kemudiannya dilantik Gabenor Melaka.

19. Di peringkat ini pemimpin-pemimpin ketiga-tiga parti yang berdasarkan kepada kaum yang telah mendirikan Kerajaan pemerintahan sendiri di dalam Persekutuan Tanah Melayu (Federation of Malaya) British telah berbincang dan mencapai persetujuan berkenaan syarat perhubungan antara ketiga-tiga kaum di dalam Persekutuan Tanah Melayu yang merdeka.

20. Ianya merupakan agihan yang sama rata. Sebagai balasan untuk satu juta kerakyatan bukan Melayu, orang bukan Melayu mesti mengakui kedudukan istimewa orang Melayu sebagai Bumiputera. Beberapa peruntukan undang-undang seperti kedudukan Islam sebagai agama rasmi, pengekalan tanah rizab Melayu, kedudukan Raja-raja Melayu dan adat istiadat Melayu dan pengagihan jawatan dalam Kerajaan juga termasuk di dalam persefahaman ini.

21. Dalam soal Bahasa Kebangsaan, Bahasa Melayu telah dipersetujui sebagai Bahasa Kebangsaan. Bahasa Inggeris pula sebagai bahasa ke-dua. Kaum Cina dan India boleh terus gunakan bahasa mereka tetapi bukanlah sebagai bahasa rasmi untuk berkomunikasi.

22. Sekolah rendah Cina dan Tamil juga boleh menggunakan bahasa masing-masing sebagai bahasa pengajar. Bahasa-bahasa ini juga boleh digunakan di sekolah menengah, tetapi hanya di sekolah menengah swasta.

23. Di pihak mereka pemimpin-pemimpin Cina dan India yang mewakili parti mereka menuntut agar kerakyatan dijadikan hak mereka yang tidak boleh ditarik balik, mereka dibenar kekalkan bahasa, agama dan budaya mereka dan sebagai rakyat mereka diberikan hak politik sepertimana yang diberikan kepada semua rakyat.

24. Kebanyakan persetujuan dan persefahaman ini terkandung di dalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan Tanah Melayu merdeka. Bagi setiap yang diperuntukkan kepada orang Melayu, akan sentiasa terdapat peruntukan bagi yang bukan Melayu. Tidak ramai yang sebut akan hakikat ini. Yang menarik perhatian ramai dan yang menjadi tajuk perbalahan ialah apa yang diperuntukkan kepada orang Melayu dan lain-lain kaum Bumiputera sahaja.

25. Demikian walaupun Bahasa Melayu dijadikan Bahasa Kebangsaan, bahasa Cina dan Tamil tetap bebas digunakan di sekolah Cina dan Tamil. Peruntukan ini tidak terdapat di mana-mana negara lain. Bahkan di negara-negara yang liberal sekalipun tidak terdapat jaminan seperti ini yang termaktub di dalam Perlembagaan.

26. Bahasa Kebangsaan ini haruslah dipelajari semua orang agar setiap warganegara Malaya dapat berkomunikasi antara satu sama lain di mana-mana sahaja.

27. Difahamkan bahasa Cina yang di maksudkan di dalam persefahaman tersebut adalah dialek-dialek Cina yang ditutur di Malaysia dan bukannya bahasa kebangsaan negeri China. Demikian bagi kaum India Malaya bahasa Tamil digunakan dan bukannya Hindi atau Urdu atau apa-apa bahasa pun yang menjadi bahasa Kebangsaan di India. Tetapi para pendidik aliran Cina kemudiannya mengguna Bahasa Cina yang menjadi bahasa Kebangsaan negara China iaitu Mandarin.

28. Islam adalah agama rasmi tetapi agama-agama lain boleh dipraktik penganut masing-masing tanpa apa-apa halangan. Sebagai agama rasmi Islam mendapat bantuan Kerajaan. Tiada tersebut tentang bantuan bagi mana-mana agama lain. Bukan Melayu tidak menekankan tentang ini dan Perlembagaan Persekutuan tidak pun sebut tentang bantuan Kerajaan terhadap agama lain. Namun sokongan dan bantuan tetap diberikan.

29. Kuota ditetapkan bagi kakitangan Kerajaan (Malayan Civil Service) dimana orang Melayu akan mendapat empat tempat bagi setiap satu yang diberikan kepada orang Cina dan India. Walaubagaimanapun, jawatan profesional diiktiraf terbuka bagi semua kaum kerana dianggap tidak mungkin terdapat cukup bilangan orang Melayu untuk mengisi jawatan-jawatan tersebut.

30. Hasilnya pada awal kemerdekaan terdapat lebih ramai kaum bukan Melayu daripada Melayu yang mengisi jawatan dalam Divisyen Satu.

31. Yang Di-Pertuan Agong atau Raja-raja Melayu akan menentukan kuota biasiswa dan lesen bagi orang Melayu. Tetapi tiada sesiapa yang akan dirampas mana-mana permit atau lesen hanya untuk diberikan kepada kaum Bumiputera.

32. Kedudukan Raja-raja Melayu termaktub dan tidak boleh dipersoalkan. Seorang Yang Di-Pertuan Agong akan dipilih daripada sembilan Raja-raja Melayu dan akan berkhidmat selama lima tahun.

33. Raja-raja akan menjadi Raja berperlembagaan. Kuasa eksekutif akan dilaksanakan oleh Menteri Besar, Ketua Menteri dan Perdana Menteri yang dipilih dan dibantu ahli majlis atau Kabinet. Amalan British dijadikan contoh.

34. Persetujuan yang paling penting ialah pelaksanaan Demokrasi Berparlimen digabungkan dengan Raja Berperlembagaan, sekali lagi seperti yang diamalkan di United Kingdom. Harus diingat pihak British telah mengenakan Kerajaan Kolonial kuku besi ke atas Negeri-negeri Melayu dengan kuasa diletak pada Pejabat Kolonial di London.

35. Sebelum ini Negeri-negeri Melayu diperintah secara feudal di mana Raja-raja Melayu mempunyai kuasa mutlak. Hanya golongan bangsawan yang memain peranan dalam politik negeri. Rakyat Melayu tidak langsung ada apa-apa hak politik. Sudah tentu tetamu juga tidak mempunyai suara dalam hal-hal berkenaan politik. Warganegara British keturunan Cina dan India juga tidak mempunyai apa-apa suara walaupun mereka boleh dilantik sebagai Ahli Kehormat Majlis Kerajaan Tempatan atau Perundangan.

36. Keputusan untuk melaksana sistem Kerajaan berlandaskan demokrasi merupakan satu langkah radikal di dalam pentadbiran Kerajaan di Persekutuan Tanah Melayu dan Negeri-negeri Melayu. Ini dipersetujui pemimpin ketiga-tiga kaum terbesar yang diwakili parti-parti politik UMNO, MCA dan MIC. Tidak syak lagi yang parti-parti ini mewakili sebahagian besar daripada ketiga-tiga masyarakat di Malaya. Pihak Komunis dan yang berhaluan kiri lain tidak menyatakan persetujuan mereka terhadap persefahaman ini.

37. Suruhanjaya Reid diberi penerangan tentang perjanjian dan persefahaman ini agar ianya akan dimasukkan kedalam Perlembagaan yang akan digubal. Ketiga-tiga parti meluluskan Perlembagaan yang digubal setelah beberapa pindaan dilakukan. Kesannya Perlembagaan ini menjadi kontrak yang mengikat ketiga-tiga kaum di Persekutuan Tanah Melayu menjelang merdeka pada tahun 1957.

38. Apabila Sabah dan Sarawak menyertai Negeri-negeri Semenanjung untuk membentuk Malaysia kontrak sosial ini di panjangkan kepada kedua-dua negeri ini. Orang Bumiputera Sabah dan Sarawak di beri taraf yang sama dengan orang Melayu. Pada masa ini juga perkataan Bumiputera diperkenalkan untuk membezakan orang Melayu dan orang Bumiputera Sabah, Sarawak daripada yang berketurunan pendatang. Kerana Bahasa Melayu dugunakan secara meluas di negeri-negeri Borneo tidak ada kesulitan bagi penerimaan Bahasa Melayu sebagai Bahasa Kebangsaan. Walaupun kaum Bumiputera di kedua-dua negeri ini bukan semuanya orang Islam ini tidak memerlukan pindaan kepada Perlembagaan apabila perkataan Bumiputera diterima. Tetapi definisi rasmi bagi orang Melayu tetap tidak berubah.

39. Oleh itu pembentukan kontrak sosial dimaktubkan dalam pertama, Perlembagaan Persekutuan Tanah Melayu dan seterusnya Malaysia. Untuk mengatakan yang ianya tidak wujud samalah dengan menidakkan kandungan Perlembagaan yang diasaskan kepada penerimaan oleh pemimpin-pemimpin ketiga-tiga kaum terhadap kontrak sosial yang asal.

40. Kesemua tindakan susulan oleh Kerajaan adalah hasil daripada kontrak sosial ini. Hakikatnya pencetus kontrak sosial ini dan pewaris-pewaris mereka yang diiktiraf rakyat di setiap Pilihanraya Umum menunjukkan kesediaan rakyat untuk menghormati kontrak sosial ini.

41. Menidakkan kewujudan kontrak sosial ini ialah seperti berkata yang Malaysia ini wujud di dalam suasana kekosongan, tidak ada Perlembagaan dan undang-undang yang berlandaskan kontrak ini.

42. Pelaksanaan kontrak sosial ini memerlukan pemahaman semangatnya yang mendalam. Kontrak sosial ini bertujuan mewujudkan satu negara berbilang kaum yang stabil dan harmoni. Apa jua faktor yang akan akibatkan ketidakstabilan dan menghasilkan ketegangan di antara kaum haruslah dianggap tidak sesuai dengan semangat kontrak sosial ini.

43. Selama 50 tahun tidak ada sesiapa yang menyoal kontrak sosial ini. Malahan hari ini pun majoriti kaum Cina dan India dan Bumiputera Melayu dan kaum Bumiputera Sabah dan Sarawak menerima kontrak sosial ini. Tetapi kerana Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi pada asasnya kalah dalam pilihanraya 2008 dan sekarang mengetuai Kerajaan yang lemah, pihak ekstrimis dan penyanggah sekarang ini mempersoalkan kontrak sosial ini. Majlis Peguam kini telah menjadi sebuah parti politik yang percaya bahawa kepakarannya dalam undang-undang akan mengecualikan ianya daripada dipersoal tentang kelayakannya dan objektif politiknya.

44. UMNO Abdullah tidak berdaya menangkis apa-apa serangan terhadap kontrak sosial ini. Jika apa-apa terjadi Abdullah dan UMNO harus dipertanggungjawabkan.
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Petikan dari akhbar pada tahun 1965, ini sejarah! Baca dibawah ini..

KUALA LUMPUR, 24 JUN 1965 – Menteri Kerjayara, Pos dan Telekom, Datuk V.T Sambanthan, hari ini telah bertanyakan Lee Kuan Yew, Perdana Menteri Singapura, di negeri mana di dalam dunia ini bangsa-bangsa yang mendatang diterima baik menjadi warganegaranya beramai-ramai.

Beliau menegaskan bahawa hanya negara ini sahaja di dalam dunia ini telah memberi segala kemudahan kepada semua bangsa yang mendatang di sini menjadi warganegaranya.

Datuk Sambanthan berkata demikian di dalam Dewan Rakyat tadi ketika dewan mendebatkan titah ucapan Seri Paduka Yang Di Pertuan Agong.

Di dalam ucapannya selama 45 minit, Datuk Sambanthan telah mengkecam hebat sikap Lee Kuan Yew yang memainkan peranan perkauman di sini untuk kepentingan diri sendiri.

Beliau menuduh Lee Kuan Yew cuba memainkan politik perkauman dengan mengatakan Kerajaan Melayu Pusat cuba menguasai Kerajaan Negeri.

Datuk Sambanthan telah bertanyakan Lee Kuan Yew di mana letaknya logik tuduhannya itu.

Katanya: “Jikalau sungguhlah dakwaan Lee Kuan Yew itu, memang bodohlah pemimpin-pemimpin Melayu di sini dalam tahun 1957 dahulu memberi segala kemudahan kepada bangsa-bangsa asing di sini menjadi warganegara di sini.

“Jika benar laungan-laungan Lee Kuan Yew itu bahawa Kerajaan Melayu Pusat hendak mengusai bangsa-bangsa lain, mengapa mereka membenarkan bangsa-bangsa asing itu dengan senang saja menjadi warganegara di sini”.

“Ini amat bodoh sekali kerana adanya lebih ramai bangsa-bangsa asing (khususnya Cina dan India) menjadi rakyat di sini, tentu sukar bagi orang-orang Melayu di sini hendak menguasai bangsa-bangsa lain itu.

“Jika benar mereka hendak menguasai bangsa-bangsa asing di sini, mereka denga mudah sahaja berbuat demikian dalam tahun 1957 dahulu dengan tidak memberi kemudahan untuk bangsa-bangsa asing menjadi warganegara.

Beliau menerangkan bahawa sungguhpun orang-orang Melayu telah bermurah hati menerima baik bangsa-bangsa asing, tetapi sekarang ini mereka itulah (Melayu) golongan bangsa yang termiskin sekali.

Datuk Sambanthan bertanya: “Siapa yang memiliki bandar-bandar dan gudang-gudang serta ladang-ladang di sini. Adakah gudang-gudang dan ladang-ladang ini dimiliki oleh orang-orang Melayu?” (Berita Harian: 25.6. 1965).


* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

Perkasa seeks Bumi equity, quotas in Najib’s economic model



By Adib Zalkapli
KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 3 — Influential Malay right wing group Perkasa will push for racial quotas and the continuation of Bumiputera equity targets in Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s new economic model which is set to be unveiled later this month.
The Najib administration is expected to come under some pressure as it seeks to chart the country’s economic direction amid heavy competition from regional neighbours and the demands from Malay groups like Perkasa for affirmative action to continue.
Yesterday, Perkasa leaders met with Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin to present their views to the government on the new economic model.
Led by Datuk Ibrahim Ali (picture) the group spent about two hours with Muhyiddin reminding the government not to abandon the New Economic Policy’s (NEP) target of increasing Malay ownership in the new model.
The country’s new economic model will be announced by Najib at the end of this month and will form the basis and direction of the country’s economy in the future.
“It does not matter what it will be called, but the new model when presented, the Malay agenda must be defended, they still have to address the issue as it is enshrined in the constitution,” said Ibrahim in his office here today.
“The objective of achieving 30 per cent Malay equity ownership must not be dropped,” he added.
Ibrahim said the education minister was also advised to continue defending the Malay quota in awarding scholarships and enrolment in public universities.
The Najib administration has been introducing various liberalisation moves in an attempt to win the support of the non-Malays and to improve the country’s competitiveness.
But with Perkasa’s ranks now swelling with grassroots members and backed by a number of senior party leaders, Najib could be forced to accommodate the conservatives in Umno.
The 36 members of the Perkasa supreme council and state chiefs also discussed security issues with Muhyiddin.
“It was a two way dialogue, he corrected some the points we raised and he also listened to our concerns,” Ibrahim told The Malaysian Insider.
The group told Muhyiddin that the Internal Security Act (ISA) which is currently being reviewed by the government should be retained.
“Security decisions must not be influenced by political needs, just because of fear of losing votes, some detainees were released,” said Ibrahim.


* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

News on TV3 on sodomy II case of the Opposition Leader




* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

Saiful describes Anwar’s indecent proposal



UPDATED
By Shazwan Mustafa Kamal
KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 3 — Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s accuser in his Sodomy II trial shocked the High Court today when he said the opposition leader had used profane language when asking to have sexual intercourse with him.
Mohd Saiful Bukhari Azlan, who took the stand at the High Court as the prosecution’s first witness, testified that when he first met Anwar at a condominium in Damansara Heights in 2008, the PKR de facto leader had asked him: “Can I **** you today?”
Saiful’s use of the profanity was greeted by sniggers and murmurs from those in the public gallery.
When asked by the prosecution about his immediate reaction to the request by Anwar, Saiful replied that at that point of time he felt “angry and scared.”
“I was angry and scared.. I refused to do so, to which Anwar became angry,” said Saiful.
The complainant also alleged that the former deputy prime minister had offered him money in exchange for the sexual act, to which he also “refused”.
Saiful was the prosecution’s first witness. — Reuters pic
“I repeated what I had said and told him that I cannot bear to do it.”
Anwar had then “ordered” him to proceed to the guest room where Saiful then stripped and donned a towel before the opposition leader hugged him.
Saiful described to the court how Anwar had closed the curtains of the bedroom, switched off the room lights and closed the door.
“It was dark, but I could still see some light coming from between the cracks of the curtains as well as the washroom light,” explained Saiful.
At this point Anwar had apparently told Saiful to “clean himself up” in the washroom. Saiful said he did as he was told.
Upon coming out of the washroom, the complainant had testified that Anwar was sitting at the foot of the bed and was also clad in a white towel.
“He (Anwar) then instructed me to come to him. He then hugged me while standing.”
At this point, lead counsel for Anwar’s defense team, Karpal Singh, objected to the questioning of the key witness being done in open court and requested that it be continued in-camera.
Deputy Public Prosecutor Datuk Mohd Yusof Zainal Abiden, in agreement with Karpal, cited legal provisions which empowered the court to do so for the sake of public interest.
At the beginning of Saiful’s testimony, he claimed that units 1151 and 1152 of the condominium where the sodomy allegedly took place belonged to a Hasanuddin Abdul Hamid, and that he had been there several times prior to the incident.
Saiful had also stated that each time he went to these units, a password, “Mohktar”, was required
Earlier, Saiful also told the court that he quit his job as a personal assistant to the opposition leader because he “could no longer stand being used as stated in the charges”.
Saiful had earlier pointed to Anwar when asked by Mohd Yusof to identify the accused.
Anwar did not look at him.
The opposition leader, who smirked at many points during Saiful’s testimony, had earlier described the charge as “evil, frivolous lies by those in power” when the charge was read out to him.
Saiful, who appeared calm and composed, told the court that his job as Anwar’s personal assistant included helping the opposition leader to organise secret meetings with MPs who potentially wanted to defect to Pakatan Rakyat (PR) parties.
He also testified that he took care of Anwar’s mobile phone and alerted his then-employer to important messages.
Anwar’s trial finally started today after much delay with the prosecution firing their first salvo by saying they had evidence to show that the semen stains found on Saiful belonged to the opposition leader.
In their opening statement, the prosecution told the High Court that tissue samples taken from the outer and inner part of Saiful’s anus were examined for a DNA match.
The prosecution said it would bring to the court testimonies to show the semen stains have been confirmed by authorities from the Chemistry Department as belonging to Anwar.
Anwar is accused of sodomising his former aide on June 26, 2008 at a posh condominium in the exclusive Bukit Damansara suburb of Kuala Lumpur.
He has denied the charge, saying it’s a conspiracy similar to that in 1998.
The 63-year-old oppposition leader was freed in September 2004 and later resurrected his political career by winning back his Permatang Pauh parliamentary seat in a by-election in 2008, which had been held in the interim by his wife.
He had earlier led the opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat, to a historic sweep of five states and 82 parliamentary seats in 2008 General Election.
Soon after, he was accused by the 24-year-old Saiful, whom Anwar dismissively called a “coffee boy.”
The trial has been adjourned until 9.30am tomorrow. The proceedings will be in camera due to the sensitivity of the testimony, the court ruled.



* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

Australian Financial Review – Malaysia’s Democracy


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