The MALINDO DEFENCE Daily

Friday, February 5, 2010

Road to Independence (1): Birth of Umno and Malayan Union


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Written by Lee Kam Hing   
Friday, 05 February 2010 18:57
Introduction by CPI
Dr Lee Kam Hing’s essay is originally titled ‘Forging Inter-ethnic Cooperation: The Political and Constitutional Process towards Independence, 1951-1957’ and published in the book Multiethnic Malaysia — Past Present and Future (2009).
CPI with permission from the author is reproducing his essay in three parts for online reading in our website. Today’s Part 1 is as below.
Dr Lee is research director at Star Publications. He was visiting Harvard-Yenching research scholar at Harvard University, and visiting scholar at Wofson College, Cambridge University. He was previously history professor of Universiti Malaya.


By Lee Kam Hing

Inter-ethnic cooperation was a prerequisite set by the British for the transfer of power to Malayans. The colonial authorities believed that the races needed to work together to create the necessary conditions for a smooth political transition and that this could then counter the Malayan Communist Party’s claim of being the only movement representing the people’s struggle. Local leaders themselves also accepted that only when the various races began working together could a start be made to the nation-building process.
Two forms of inter-ethnic cooperation were attempted in the pre-independence period. The first was a single multi-ethnic party, the Independence of Malaya Party (IMP) and the second was a coalition of ethnic-based parties, the Alliance Party. Not without some significance, the founders of the ethnic-based political parties of the United Malay National Organisation (Umno), Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) were directly involved in setting up IMP.
In the end it was the Alliance Party which prevailed over the multiethnic IMP. In 1955 the Alliance Party won resoundingly in the first federal elections and with this electoral success took the lead in negotiating for independence. Since then it has served as the dominant form of interracial cooperation.
Negotiations for the new nation’s Constitution in 1956 and 1957 involved difficult issues of a communal nature requiring tough bargaining among the leaders. Throughout the negotiations, however, a spirit of friendship and goodwill prevailed as the early leaders struggled to arrive at compromises to safeguard the interests of the respective communities.
Efforts were made to ensure that the Articles in the Constitution would be fair and balanced. This was not easy. The Constitution held inherent contradictions and tensions. Where it was possible in certain Articles, leaders chose to be silent on details because they feared that to do otherwise could provoke strong reaction from their respective communities and the resulting discord might jeopardise chances of early independence.
Still, differences in interpreting some of these Articles surfaced soon after independence and they gave rise to major political disputes. It was management of communal discord that remains the main challenge to inter-ethnic relations.
Inter-ethnic discourse took place within a changing political environment. There were the post-war ethnic disturbances in 1946 and the repercussions on race relations of the Emergency (1948-1960). At the same time, the British and the Malays realized that in the battle against the communists, the support of the Chinese was essential and that alienating the community from the mainstream of politics could undermine the political stability of the country. Increasingly, Chinese leaders were aware of their weaker bargaining position because sections of the Chinese community were implicated in the insurrection and also because after the 1955 federal elections, UMNO had a predominant share of seats won.
All sides recognized the need to work with one another and to reach compromises even though these might not satisfy fully their own communities. Achieving independence was foremost in their minds and this united them.

Rising communal consciousness: Seeking ethnic solidarity, 1945-1949


Efforts to achieve inter-ethnic political cooperation in Malaya have been relatively recent. While Chinese business leaders and Malay rulers developed commercial collaboration in the past, the rest of the respective communities had generally lived in defined and separate economic sectors, mixing only in the market place in what J. Furnivall termed as a plural society.
This separateness was further underlined by a growing but divergent political consciousness among the various communities in the early 20th century. Whilst the Malay community came under the influence of Pan Islamism and Indonesian nationalism, the Chinese were attracted to the reformist and revolutionary politics of China, and the Indians had their political influence stemming from the anti-British independence movement in India.1
This rising political consciousness instilled a sense of solidarity within each of the communities and a determination to protect the rights and interest of its members. Malay leaders in the pre-war years such as Dato Onn Jaafar and Zainal Abidin Ahmad (Za’ba) spoke out against government neglect of Malay welfare and expressed anxiety that the Malay population would be outnumbered by the continued inflow of Chinese migrants into the country, and they called on the colonial authorities to halt Chinese immigration.2
Chinese and Indian leaders, meanwhile, were divided between concerns in Malaya and what some still regarded as their homeland in China and India. Increasingly they were critical of colonial neglect of the educational and employment needs of their communities especially in the Depression years when price of tin and rubber fell. There were fears of social and labour unrest and dissatisfaction with the lack of government efforts to provide social relief.
Inter-ethnic relations deteriorated dangerously in the months after the Second World War. Japanese treatment of Chinese during the Occupation had been harsh while a policy to win over the Malays was practised.
In the immediate post-war days, the Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army, mainly Chinese, attacked those they considered collaborators. Many of the MPAJA victims were Malays and the retaliation from the community took on an ethnic dimension. Serious clashes occurred in Johor and in Perak. Significantly, one leader who played a major role in calming the situation was Dato Onn Jaafar, an emerging Malay leader from Johor. He brought community leaders together and organised relief operations in the affected areas.3
Then in the early months of 1946, the Malays mobilised themselves to oppose British plans to set up the Malayan Union. The Malayan Union would have led to the liberalising of citizenship requirements for non-Malays and the loss by Malay rulers’ of their sovereignty. The plan was strongly resisted by the Malays. Dato Onn led the opposition against the Malayan Union.
On 11 May 1946 Umno was formed with Dato Onn elected as its President. For the first time, the Malays in the country were united under one organisation. Faced with mass demonstrations and boycotts by the sultans, the British agreed to negotiate with Umno and the Malay rulers. The resulting 1948 Federation of Malaya agreement, which replaced the Malayan Union, included terms favourable to the Malays.4
Soon afterwards, moves were made to form a party to unite and represent the Chinese. The MCA was formed during what were probably the most troubling time for the Chinese. The community was still recovering from the difficult, and at times dangerous, years of the Japanese Occupation. Now in 1948 they were caught between an armed rebellion that was communist-led but largely Chinese-supported and a colonial regime seen increasingly as pro-Malay.
Nearly half a million people, mostly Chinese, were – as a consequence – resettled in the New Villages. Facing such a situation, many Chinese saw an urgent need to have a party to rally the community together and to represent them in the constitutional discussions that were expected.
Sir Henry Gurney, High Commissioner of Malaya, was keen that anti-communist Chinese should help fight the MCP-led insurrection. In December 1948, Gurney met 16 Chinese members of the Federal Legislative Council and assured them that the British supported the forming of a Chinese organisation.5 For several weeks then, Chinese guilds and association all over the country held meetings to select delegates to the inaugural meeting.
At a gathering on 27 February 1949 the MCA was formed and Tan Cheng Lock, a Straits Chinese leader, was elected president. In the subsequent months, the party was preoccupied with welfare work in the New Villages where a third of the Chinese population had been resettled.6
Political consciousness and mobilisation among the Indians drew inspiration from events in India. Many Indians sympathised with the independence struggle in India and during the war a number joined the Indian Independence League and its armed wing, the Indian National Army.
After the war, Jawaharlal Nehru, a leader of the Indian Congress Part, visited Malaya, and at his suggestion a conference was held on 29 August 1946 to encourage active involvement of Indians in Malayan affairs. In that meeting, the Malayan Indian Congress was formed.7

Early efforts at inter-ethnic cooperation, 1946-1951

Both Tan Cheng Lock and Dato Onn Jaafar, although founders of ethnic-based parties, were also conscious very early of the need to develop inter-ethnic cooperation.
Tan was most aware of impending political change. He also had a keener sense than any other Chinese leader of what Malay aspirations were. There was recognition that in any political transition Chinese interest would be safeguarded only through cooperation with the British and to an extent with the Malays too.
When the Malayan Union which liberalized citizenship requirements was announced, Tan saw the proposals as offering hope to the non-Malays. Tan was therefore very disappointed when the British abandoned the Malayan Union in the face of strong Malay opposition.
He pointed out to the British the unique opportunity they had to weld together the different peoples in Malaya into one united nation. Tan called on British commitment to a democracy where there would be equality in rights and obligations for all. He strongly criticized the colonial authorities in October 1946 when they proceeded to discuss only with Umno and the Malay rulers on constitutional changes.8
There was a sense of bitterness in Tan when the proposals of the Federation of Malaya Agreement were made public. He criticized what he described as a pro-Malay character of the Federation proposal.
Tan thereupon took a more pronounced anti-colonial stance and sought out other political groups to oppose the Federation of Malaya Agreement proposals. On 7th December 1946 he together with leaders of the Malayan Democratic Union formed the Pan (later All) -Malayan Council for Joint Action. The MDU, multi-racial but mostly non-Malay led, modelled itself on the left-wing of the British Labour Party. The AMCJA in mid-1947 February linked up with several radical Malay organisations led by the Malay National Party.
Among Malay leaders in the MNP were Musa Ahmad, Ahmad Boestamam, Aziz Ishak and Dr Burhannuddin Al-helmy. They joined other Malay dissidents to form Putera in February 1947.
The Malay radicals had been marginalised in the talks among Umno, the British, and the rulers. The MNP saw the Federation agreement as a move to maintain colonial rule in Malaya. The AMCJA-Putera called for a hartal on 20 October 1947 to protest against the Federation of Malaya Agreement. Towards the end of 1947, the government banned the AMCJA and Putera and most of their leaders, except for Tan, were arrested or went into exile.9
For Dato Onn, the shift from a narrow communal stance to a more inclusive approach in Malayan politics came following the signing of the Federation of Malaya Agreement. In 1949 he called on the Malays “to obtain closer ties with the other people in this country”.10 Now seeking self-government and eventual independence, he wanted greater accommodation with non-Malays who had settled in Malaya and he persuaded Umno to change the party slogan from ‘Hidup Melayu’ to ‘Merdeka’.
Meanwhile Sir Malcolm MacDonald, the British Commissioner General for Southeast Asia, set up the Communities Liaison Committee (CLC) in 1949 to provide a platform to help resolve political differences among the various communities. There was inter-ethnic unease lingering from the immediate post-war months and this was heightened by the outbreak of a largely Chinese communist insurrection. Tan and Dato Onn, as leaders of the two major communities were brought into the CLC and both tried to work out a more enduring inter-ethnic understanding.
At the CLC Tun Tan and Dato Onn developed a friendship and through this reached some broad agreement to resolve contentious issues affecting inter-ethnic relations. Citizenship based on jus soli for non-Malays and special rights for Malays were the two pressing issues. Dato Onn agreed to liberalise citizenship requirements for non-Malays while Tan supported the Malay special position. Both agreed that the future government of Malaya should be multiracial and as well as one that was inclusive.
In June 1951, Dato Onn declared at the Umno General Assembly that independence could only be achieved if there was unity with the other races.11 He therefore proposed opening Umno membership to non-Malays and the party renamed as the United Malayan National Organisation. It has been suggested that Malcolm MacDonald encouraged Dato Onn to take the new position. But it could argued that Dato Onn himself recognized the political realities of the changing times and hence this accounted for his bold approach regarding working with the other races.
However, while senior party officials were prepared to accept Dato Onn’s proposal, the general body within the party rejected moves to open Umno to other races. Unable to gain wide acceptance to his proposals, Dato Onn left Umno to set up the non-communal IMP on 16 September 1951. Tan supported Dato Onn and the IMP. He chaired the inaugural IMP meeting in Kuala Lumpur and headed the party’s Malacca branch. Tan was joined by several senior MCA leaders including Tan Siew Sin, Khoo Teik Ee and Yoong Shook Lin.
These early efforts by leaders of different communities to work together were tentative and temporary. The promoters of the experiment such as the AMPAJA-Putera collaboration and the CLC had to reconcile almost irreconcilable positions involving communal issues. But these attempts laid the groundwork for future inter-ethnic partnership that were more sustained.



* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

Guan Eng perbodohkan pemimpin PKR di Pulau Pinang

  By Novandri Hasan Basri

FEB 5 —  Seperti yang peHasan Basrinulis jangkakan, salakan Datuk Seri Zahrain Mohd Hashim, pemimpin Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), hanya sekadar membuang masa dan tidak akan mungkin mengganggu Lim Guan Eng Sosialis, walau sedetik pun.
Sekarang, PKR di Pulau Pinang diibaratkan seperti sampah oleh DAP Sosialis. Kepimpinan PKR negeri tidak mampu untuk bersuara dan mereka pasti akan diperbodoh-bodohkan oleh Guan Eng Sosialis dan orang-orang beliau.
Satu persatu, DAP Sosialis sudah mulai membuka pekung di dada kepimpinan PKR Pulau Pinang dan taktik begitu sudah diramalkan untuk menutup mulut pemimpin-pemimpin PKR yang lantang mempersoalkan kewibawaan Guan Eng Sosialis.
Zahrain Mohd Hashim didakwa sebagai seorang ahli politik yang 'frust menonggeng' dan kerana itu Zahrain membuat bising.
Seorang lagi pemimpin PKR, Tan Tee Beng, ahli parlimen Nibong Tebal pula turut didakwa 'frust menonggeng' dan 'mengacau' Guan Eng kerana Guan Eng menolak ke tepi cadangan PKR negeri yang mencalonkan beliau menjadi pengerusi Perbadanan Bekalan Air Pulau Pinang (PBAPP).
Tan Tee Beng juga didakwa campurtangan di dalam proses tender Perbadanan Kemajuan Pulau Pinang (PDC) bagi mendapatkan lot rumah kedai untuk keluarga beliau.
Mohd Razali Abdullah, bekas MPPP yang juga ahli PKR turut diperbodoh-bodohkan sehinggakan beliau menfailkan saman malu terhadap Jeff Ooi, orang kanan Guan Eng.
Pokoknya, kepimpinan DAP Sosialis di Pulau Pinang cuba menutup mulut rakan-rakan politik mereka sendiri dengan cara mengaibkan mereka di depan orang ramai dan tindakan tersebut sudah diramalkan sejak dari mula lagi.
Realitinya, kepimpinan PKR Pulau Pinang seperti sudah tiada maruah lagi dan nama baik mereka telah diconteng dan diperburuk-burukkan oleh Guan Eng.
Yang memalukan sekali ialah Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, pemimpin tertinggi PKR yang dahulunya diibaratkan jaguh di Pulau Pinang, tidak dapat berbuat apa-apa di negeri beliau sendiri.
Anwar Ibrahim hanya sekadar menumpang kuasa DAP dan tidak mampu untuk menegur Guan Eng.
Malah Anwar Ibrahim sendiri tiada kuasa untuk membantu peniaga-peniaga Melayu di kawasan parlimen beliau sendiri sehinggakan gerai-gerai mereka dirobohkan tanpa alternatif untuk membantu peniaga-peniaga tersebut.
Guan Eng juga cuba menutup kelemahan pentadbiran beliau dengan mengolah statistik pemberian tender yang kononnya beliau telah berlaku adil dan saksama kepada orang Melayu di Pulau Pinang.
Jika kita membaca sekali imbas tentang peratusan pemberian tender tersebut, kita tentu akan termakan dengan kenyataan Guan Eng. Mungkin beliau fikir bahawa orang Melayu Pulau Pinang bodoh-bodoh belaka.
Akan tetapi, beliau sebenarnya tidak menerangkan dengan lebih terperinci tentang nilai tender yang diberikan kepada orang Melayu.
Jika benar, apakah adil jika tender yang kecil nilainya diberikan kepada orang Melayu dan tender yang besar diberikan kepada orang Cina?
Yang 'menariknya' tentang satu lagi modus operandi untuk menutup mulut rakan-rakan politik Guan Eng ialah dengan melabelkan mereka sebagai tali barut UMNO dan Barisan Nasional.
Label yang diberikan itu pasti akan dapat menutup terus mulut sebarang pemimpin Pakatan Rakyat di Pulau Pinang termasuk Zahrain Mohd Hashim dan Tan Tee Beng.
Tetapi, ada satu cara lagi untuk menutup mulut mereka itu. Lim Guan Eng atau pun Anwar Ibrahim mungkin akan menganugerahkan wang ringgit yang banyak kepada Zahrain Mohd Hashim dan Tan Tee Beng.
Kedua-duanya akan bersetuju untuk digantung untuk beberapa bulan.
Tatkala itu, mereka mempunyai alasan untuk meninggalkan tanggungjawab di kawasan masing-masing kerana kononnya perlu 'muhasabah diri dan memikirkan karier mereka seterusnya'!
Dan mungkin mereka akan memilih pusat peranginan yang mahal-mahal untuk dijadikan tempat 'menyembuhkan luka yang sangat perit' itu!
Apa pun penulis berharap agar kedua-dua pemimpin PKR negeri Pulau Pinang tidak senang dibeli oleh Guan Eng.
Yang penting sekarang ialah Lim Guan Eng patut dilucutkan jawatan dan hanya satu cara yang boleh dilakukan iaitu dengan mengulingkan kerajaan DAP Pulau Pinang. - pemudaumno.org.my



* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

Stolen jet engines found in Uruguay


The missing engines were discovered in Uruguay.
by Malaysia Insider
 
KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 5 — Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail has tonight confirmed that the stolen F-5E engines have been located in Uruguay.
The attorney-general, in a statement, said the engines were discovered in the South American country following co-operation from the authorities there.
Expressing his gratitude over the assistance rendered by the Uruguayan officials in helping bring an end to the case of the stolen engines, Gani said that the two countries will continue to work closely to enable the return of the engines to Malaysia.
The two F-5E jet engines were stolen in 2007 and discovered missing one year later, before a police report was lodged.
RMAF Sergeant N. Tharmendran and company director Rajandran Prasad were charged early this month in connection with the theft.
Malaysia bought 14 F-5Es in 1974 and decommissioned them in 1999. One crashed in the Malacca Straits near Perak on May 31, 1995.
Only six of the jets remain operational after they came back to service in 2003.



* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

MUZAKARAH-Nik Ajis INSAF Kerana Minyak Atau K&Y Jellly?


Friday, February 5, 2010


 
by papa gomo
 
Sejak Nik Ajis menghadiri perbicaraan kes Liwat Anwar Brahim pada hari pertama, ada beberapa kenyataan dari Nik Ajis yang nampaknya ingin mula berbaik baik dengan UMNO.

Nik Ajis mengatakan kesudiannya untuk MUZAKARAH dengan UMNO walhalkan sebelum ini Nik Ajis begitu lantang menentang MUZAKARAH yang ingin di lakukan oleh UMNO dan juga Pro Ulamak PAS.

Jika kita imbas kembali bagaimana Ustaz Nasha di halau keluar dari parti PAS kerana membangkitkan isu Muzakarah ini. Ustaz Nasha sehingga ke hari ini masih lagi di Pulaukan oleh beberapa kepimpinan EDROGAN dan juga Blogger Pro Reform milik Hussam Musa.

Malah ajakan D.S.Najib agar UMNO dan PAS bersatu dalam isu Agama Islam dan bangsa Melayu juga di perlekehkan Nik Ajis ini. Walaupun D.S.Najib dengan Ikhlas namun terus di kecam Nik Ajis dan kepimpinan EDROGAN yang lain.

Gomo menyambut baik isu Muzakarah antara PAS dan UMNO ini. Namun Gomo merasakan ada yang tidak kena dengan ajakan Muzakarah Nik Ajis ini! ISU MINYAK KELANTAN!!!

Nik Ajis hari ini mengeluarkan kenyataan PAS Kelantan tidak kisah atau ambil peduli sama ada kerajaan PUSAT ingin memberikan Royaliti ataupun Wang Ehsan kepada Kelantan. Namun Nik Ajis minta agar kerajaan Pusat memberi terus Wang tersebut kepada Kerajaan PAS Kelantan.

APA SUDAH JADI???

Jika sebelum ini Nik Ajis dan kepimpinananya LANTANG mengatakan PAS Kelantan layak mendapat Royaliti dan tidak perlu Wang Ehsan. Malah Demo di Kelantan dan juga di seluruh Malaysia di canang oleh PAS. Tidak cukup denga itu banyak risalah yang di edarkan di Kelantan Terengganu, Kedah, Selangor, Perak berhubung Kononya Kelantan layak mendapat Royaliti.

Ni Apa Punya Cerita?

Kalau kita ingat semasa kerajaan Pusat ingin memberikan wang Ehsan sebanyak rm20 juta kepada Rakyat kelantan, Hussam Musa pulak mempertikaikan rm20 juta itu. Katanya rm20 juta sedikit dan selayaknya di berikan RM40 Juta. ini apa punya DRAMA dah???

Apa sekalipun Gomo yakin D.S.Najib akan menyambut baik gesaan Nik Ajis dalam isu Muzakarah ini. Demi Islam dan Melayu apa salahnya???

Apakah Nik Ajis sudah INSAF apabila tahu Anwar Brahim memang PELIWAT? Atau Nik Ajis hanya inginkan WANG jutaan Ringgit itu sahaja?
Harapan Gomo dan seluruh Rakyat, Biar kita bersatu dalam Islam dan Melayu. Jangan biarkan Bangsa Pendatang yang lain bertepuk tangan dengan kehancuran kita ini.




* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

VIDEO IBRAHIM ALI DAN GAMBAR DI PERHIMPUNAN SEDAQ di P.PINANG






Ini adalah video ucapan Dato Ibrahim Ali, Presiden Perkasa yang telah bersama-sama dengan rakyat Pulau Pinang berhimpun dan membantah dengan kezaliman yang dilakukan oleh Lim Guan Eng, si komunis, chauvinist dan dikatator, lihatlah gambar-gambar tentang perhimpunan ini yang telah diambil dari blog Pisau!

Perhimpunan Sedaq, menyaksikan perhimpunan yang berjaya mengumpul lebih dari 3000 orang, seperti biasa portal berita rasis malaysiakini hanya melaporkan kehadiran 300 orang. Harami punya portal pro pakatan Haram Malaysiakini! Kuat menipu, berita pun tak tepat, bingai!

Orang ramai cuba untuk masuk kedalam pejabat kerajaan negeri,namun dihalang oleh pegawai keselamatan.


Itulah dianya perhimpunan Rakyat Pulau Pinang yang tak puashati dengan pemerintahan KUKU BESI si Lim Guan Eng, sejak seminggu lepas bukan saja rakyat Pulau Pinang tetapi Ahlul Parlimen dari Pakatan haram sendiri sudah mula tidak berpuahati dengan cara pemerintahan LGE yang berkonsepkan KOMUNIS, CHAUVINIST DAN DIKTATOR ni!

Tapi HAPRAK DAILY portal milik PARTI AJARAN SETAN ni cuba memutarbelit fakta apabila telah menipu tentang pemberian projek kepada orang melayu, saya ambil sedikit petikan dari blog Pisau sekali lagi untuk tatapan anda semua:

LGE jelas berbohong apabila menyatakan telah berjaya menghapuskan miskin tegar di Pulau Pinang,malah beliau menyatakan hampir kesemua miskin tegar adalah dikalangan bangsa Melayu.Menurut beliau setelah setahun memerintah mereka telah berjaya menghapuskan miskin tegar.Buta mata atau buta perut kah Haprak Daily,mereka ini dengan secara membuta tuli terus menyiarkan kenyataan LGE tanpa menyiasat sendiri keadaan di Pulau Pinang, sudah sudahlah berbohong,Pisau mencabar LGE dah Haprak Daily memberikan bukti berapa ramai dan berapa banyak jumlah peruntukan yang sudah diberikan kepada miskin tegar? Siapa yang menerima dan dari kawasan manakah penerima bantuan tersebut?

Usah beretorik dan mendabik dada kononnya telah banyak membantu fakir miskin, lupakah kamu di kampung muhibah, rumah hijau mak mandin, lorong chempa, kampung perlis, Sg Nyior, Penanti, pmtg pasir, juru, jawi dan banyak lagi kawasan yang terlalu ramai miskin tegar.

Petikan dari haprak daily milik PARTI AJARAN SETAN:

"Macam Jawatankuasa Hal Ehwal Islam. Di bawah BN tahun 2008 belanjawan adalah sebanyak RM12.5 juta. Bila kita buat belanjawan pertama tahun 2009 kita telah naikkan kepada RM20.5 juta ringgit. Tahun 2010 kita telah naikkan lagi kepada RM24.3 juta. Bermakna dalam dua tahun kita hampir sekali ganda lebih besar daripada apa yang diperuntukkan oleh Barisan Nasional."

LGE mendabik dada kononnya telah memperuntukkan bantuan kewangan kepada hal ehwal umat Islam sebanyak 24.3 juta dan kononnya sebelum ini kerajaan BN hanya memberikan bantuan sebanyak 12.2juta. Bodoh! HOI PAS, kamu tak tengok buku belanjawan kerajaan negeri 2010? Berapa yang sebenarnya yang diperuntukkan? Berapa banyak budget yang sebenar yang dikhaskan kepada umat Islam? Bohong, bohong dan bohong lagi. Untuk pengetahuan anda, budget tersebut 24.3 juta merangkumi budget pengurusan yang berjumlah 13 juta.

LGE berbohong! Budget pengurusan berjumlah 13 juta adalah budget mengurus yang diperuntukan secara tahunan untuk membayar gaji, kwsp, bayaran emulemen, elaun dsb.

Dari jumlah 24.3juta ditolak 13juta jumlah sebenar hanyalah 11juta yang diperuntukkan kepada Umat Islam Pulau Pinang. Untuk laporan selanjutnya klik disini

Aku kesian melihat Rakyat pulau Pinang terutama yang berbangsa Melayu tertindas di sana, aku harap nasib mereka akan terbela, Lim Guan Eng si KOMUNIS CHAUVINIST ni harus meletakkan jawatan dia dan digantikan dengan orang lain!

Nampaknya api kemarahan rakyat Pualau Pinang dah marak, sebelum terjadi sesuatau yang tidak diingini ada baiknya LGE letak jawatan dan berambus dari Penang! Senang cerita kalau dah tak leh nak kawal bubar saja DUN tu!


* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

Of Nasir, Najib, 1Malaysia and the Altantuya link




Amid speculation that Nasir Safar was the man Prime Minister Najib Razak entrusted to check up on murdered Mongolian translator Altantuya Shaariibuu the night she went missing, concern is mounting that the PM may let his special officer off the hook despite allegedly making racist comments that contradict his 1Malaysia plan.

Wong Choon Mei, Harakah Daily  


Amid speculation that Nasir Safar was the man Prime Minister Najib Razak entrusted to check up on murdered Mongolian translator Altantuya Shaariibuu the night she went missing, concern is mounting that the PM may let his special officer off the hook despite allegedly making racist comments that contradict his 1Malaysia plan.

“If Najib wants to be taken seriously, then he should personally order the police to arrest Nasir for making seditious comments that threaten national security and may break the harmony of the different races in Malaysia,” PKR leader and Padang Serai MP N Gobalakrishnan told Harakahdaily.

Earlier this week, Nasir - who claims he never intended to offend anyone - tendered his resignation after allegedly saying that “Indians came to Malaysia as beggars and Chinese especially the women came to sell their bodies” at an official 1Malaysia forum. Since then, he has also made a public apology.

“I would like to again openly apologise to all Malaysians for the remarks that are seen as racist. I really did not intend it that way,” Nasir said in a statement on Thursday.

However, civil society groups and political leaders from both side of the divide say that is not enough. They have demanded that he be sacked and a police investigation be launched immediately.

Move to get Nasir off the hook begins

So far, 12 police reports have been lodged by various quarters throughout the country and according to the Inspector-General of Police Musa Hassan, Nasir will be investigated under the Sedition Act.

However, Malay rights pressure group Perkasa – which is linked to Umno – has defended Nasir. “I understand why Nasir said that, I can symphatise with him, I want to say the same things but I have to control myself, I am more mature now,” said Ibrahim Ali, the president of Perkasa.

Indeed, even the 1Malaysia Youth Graduates Club has begun urging Najib to pardon him, with 20 members gathering at the front of the Prime Minister's Department in a show of support for Nasir on Wednesday.

“This issue was a result of provocation," said the club’s deputy chairman Najieb Mokhtar. "He has conducted 60 talks in 2009 and 22 talks so far this year. They were never misconstrued and misunderstood.”

The Altantuya link ?

But despite the noise, the shadow play and the behind-the-scenes horse-trading, Malaysians fear that perhaps it is the alleged Altantuya link that will determine Nasir’s fate with his boss - rather than the survivability of Najib's 1Malaysia vision, a platform on which the PM had hoped to unite the races.

“The comments that Nasir allegedly made are a direct contradiction of 1Malaysia, which has already become a joke because it is not being powered by sincerity. Instead it is riddled with flip-flop decisions and hypocrisy,” Salahuddin Ayub, PAS vice-president, told Harakahdaily.

In 2008, private investigator P Balasubramaniam had revealed in an explosive statutory declaration that a Malay man in a blue Proton Saga had passed by the house of Razak Baginda - a close associate of Najib's - on the night of October 19, 2006, when Altantuya's murderers had intercepted her.

According to news portal Malaysia Today, Bala told the police the man in the blue Proton was Nasir Safar. But the police rubbished his claims. Bala was working for Baginda at that time and had witnessed the incidents that took place in front of Baginda's house.

In his statutory declaration, Bala had also alleged that Altantuya had been Najib’s mistress and that the PM had asked Baginda to look after Altantuya financially. Najib has repeatedly denied ever knowing Altantuya, while Harakahdaily is still trying to contact Nasir for his response.

(Harakahdaily appends below the statutory declaration Bala lodged in 2008. He has said he was forced to retract the declaration the very next day by Najib's minders and given money to flee the country)

STATUTORY DECLARATION

I, Balasubramaniam a/l Perumal a Malaysian Citizen of full age and residing at [deleted] do solemly and sincerely declare as follows :-

1. I have been a police officer with the Royal Malaysian Police Force having jointed as a constable in 1981 attached to the Police Field Force. I was then promoted to the rank of lance Corporal and finally resigned from the Police Force in 1998 when I was with the Special Branch.

2. I have been working as a free lance Private Investigator since I left the Police Force.

3. Sometime in June or July 2006, I was employed by Abdul Razak Baginda for a period of 10 days to look after him at his office at the Bangunan Getah Asli, Jalan Ampang between the hours of 8.00 a.m. to 5.00 p.m each working day as apparently he was experiencing disturbances from a third party.

4. I resigned from this job after 2 ½ days as I was not receiving any proper instructions.

5. I was however re-employed by Abdul Razak Baginda on the 05-10-2006 as he had apparently received a harassing phone call from a Chinese man calling himself ASP Tan who had threatened him to pay his debts. I later found out this gentleman was in fact a private investigator called Ang who was employed by a Mongolian woman called Altantuya Shaaribuu.

6. Abdul Razak Baginda was concerned that a person by the name of Altantuya Shaaribuu, a Mongolian woman, was behind this threat and that she would be arriving in Malaysia very soon to try and contact him.

7. Abdul Razak Baginda informed me that he was concerned by this as he had been advised that Altantuya Shaaribuu had been given some powers by a Mongolian ‘bomoh’ and that he could never look her in the face because of this.

8. When I enquired as to who this Mongolian woman was, Abdul Razak Baginda informed me that she was a friend of his who had been introduced to him by a VIP and who asked him to look after her financially.

9. I advised him to lodge a police report concerning the threatening phone call he had received from the Chinese man known as ASP Tan but he refused to do so as he informed me there were some high profile people involved.

10. Abdul Razak Baginda further told me that Altantuya Shaaribuu was a great liar and good in convincing people. She was supposed to have been very demanding financially and that he had even financed a property for her in Mongolia.

11. Abdul Razak Baginda then let me listen to some voice messages on his handphone asking him to pay what was due otherwise he would be harmed and his daughter harassed.

12. I was therefore supposed to protect his daughter Rowena as well.

13. On the 09.10.2006 I received a phone call from Abdul Razak Baginda at about 9.30 a.m. informing me that Altantuya was in his office and he wanted me there immediately. As I was in the midst of a surveillance, I sent my assistant Suras to Abdul Razak Baginda’s office and I followed a little later. Suras managed to control the situation and had persuaded Altantuya and her two friends to leave the premises. However Altantuya left a note written on some Hotel Malaya note paper, in English, asking Abdul Razak Baginda to call her on her handphone (number given) and wrote down her room number as well.

14. Altantuya had introduced herself to Suras as ‘Aminah’ and had informed Suras she was there to see her boyfriend Abdul Razak Baginda.

15. These 3 Mongolian girls however returned to Abdul Razak Baginda’s office at the Bangunan Getah Asli, Jalan Ampang again, the next day at about 12.00 noon. They did not enter the building but again informed Suras that they wanted to meet Aminah’s boyfriend, Abdul Razak Baginda.

16. On the 11.10.2006, Aminah returned to Abdul Razak Baginda’s office on her own and gave me a note to pass to him, which I did. Abdul Razak Baginda showed me the note which basically asked him to call her urgently.

17. I suggested to Abdul Razak Baginda that perhaps it may be wise to arrange for Aminah to be arrested if she harassed him further, but he declined as he felt she would have to return to Mongolia as soon as her cash ran out.

18. In the meantime I had arranged for Suras to perform surveillance on Hotel Malaya to monitor the movements of these 3 Mongolian girls, but they recognized him. Apparently they become friends with Suras after that and he ended up spending a few nights in their hotel room.

19. When Abdul Razak Baginda discovered Suras was becoming close to Aminah he asked me to pull him out from Hotel Malaya.

20. On the 14.10.2006, Aminah turned up at Abdul Razak Baginda’s house in Damansara Heights when I was not there. Abdul Razak Baginda called me on my handphone to inform me of this so I rushed back to his house. As I arrived, I noticed Aminah outside the front gates shouting “Razak, bastard, come out from the house”. I tried to calm her down but couldn’t so I called the police who arrived in 2 patrol cars. I explained the situation to the police, who took her away to the Brickfields police station.

21. I followed the patrol cars to Brickfields police station in a taxi. I called Abdul Razak Baginda and his lawyer Dirren to lodge a police report but they refused.

22. When I was at the Brickfields police station, Aminah’s own Private Investigator, one Mr. Ang arrived and we had a discussion. I was told to deliver a demand to Abdul Razak Baginda for USD$500,000.00 and 3 tickets to Mongolia, apparently as commission owed to Aminah from a deal in Paris.

23. As Aminah had calmed down at this stage, a policewoman at the Brickfields police station advised me to leave and settle the matter amicably.

24. I duly informed Abdul Razak Baginda of the demands Aminah had made and told him I was disappointed that no one wanted to back me up in lodging a police report. We had a long discussion about the situation when I expressed a desire to pull out of this assignment.

25. During this discussion and in an attempt to persuade me to continue my employment with him, Abdul Razak Baginda informed me that :-

25.1 He had been introduced to Aminah by Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak at a diamond exhibition in Singapore.

25.2 Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak informed Abdul Razak Baginda that he had a sexual relationship with Aminah and that [deleted by nat out of respect to the family of the deceased].

25.3 Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak wanted Abdul Razak Baginda to look after Aminah as he did not want her to harass him since he was now the Deputy Prime Minister.

25.4 Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, Abdul Razak Baginda and Aminah had all been together at a dinner in Paris.

25.5 Aminah wanted money from him as she felt she was entitled to a USD$500,000.00 commission on a submarine deal she assisted with in Paris.

26. On the 19.10.2006, I arrived at Abdul Razak Baginda’s house in Damansara Heights to begin my night duty. I had parked my car outside as usual. I saw a yellow proton perdana taxi pass by with 3 ladies inside, one of whom was Aminah. The taxi did a U-turn and stopped in front of the house where these ladies rolled down the window and wished me ‘Happy Deepavali’. The taxi then left.

27. About 20 minutes later the taxi returned with only Aminah in it. She got out of the taxi and walked towards me and started talking to me. I sent an SMS to Abdul Razak Baginda informing him “Aminah was here”. I received an SMS from Razak instructing me “To delay her until my man comes”.

28. Whist I was talking to Aminah, she informed me of the following :-

28.1 That she met Abdul Razak Baginda in Singapore with Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak.

28.2 That she had also met Abdul Razak Baginda and Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak at a dinner in Paris.

28.3 That she was promised a sum of USD$500,000.00 as commission for assisting in a Submarine deal in Paris.

28.4 That Abdul Razak Baginda had bought her a house in Mongolia but her brother had refinanced it and she needed money to redeem it.

28.5 That her mother was ill and she needed money to pay for her treatment.

6. That Abdul Razak Baginda had married her in Korea as her mother is Korean whilst her father was a Mongolian/Chinese mix.

28.7 That if I wouldn’t allow her to see Abdul Razak Baginda, would I be able to arrange for her to see Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak.

29. After talking to Aminah for about 15 minutes, a red proton aeroback arrived with a woman and two men. I now know the woman to be Lance Corporal Rohaniza and the men, Azilah Hadri and Sirul Azahar. They were all in plain clothes. Azilah walked towards me while the other two stayed in the car.

30. Azilah asked me whether the woman was Aminah and I said ‘Yes’. He then walked off and made a few calls on his handphone. After 10 minutes another vehicle, a blue proton saga, driven by a Malay man, passed by slowly. The driver’s window had been wound down and the driver was looking at us.

31. Azilah then informed me they would be taking Aminah away. I informed Aminah they were arresting her. The other two persons then got out of the red proton and exchanged seats so that Lance Corporal Rohaniza and Aminah were in the back while the two men were in the front. They drove off and that is the last I ever saw of Aminah.

32. Abdul Razak Baginda was not at home when all this occurred.

33. After the 19.10.2006, I continued to work for Abdul Razak Baginda at his house in Damansara Heights from 7.00 p.m. to 8.00 a.m. the next morning, as he had been receiving threatening text messages from a woman called ‘Amy’ who was apparently ‘Aminah’s’ cousin in Mongolia.

34. On the night of the 20.10.2006, both of Aminah’s girl friends turned up at Abdul Razak Baginda’s house enquiring where Aminah was. I informed them she had been arrested the night before.

35. A couple of nights later, these two Mongolian girls, Mr. Ang and another Mongolian girl called ‘Amy’ turned up at Abdul Razak Baginda’s house looking for Aminah as they appeared to be convinced she was being held in the house.

36. A commotion began so I called the police who arrived shortly thereafter in a patrol car. Another patrol car arrived a short while later in which was the investigating officer from the Dang Wangi Police Station who was in charge of the missing persons report lodged by one of the Mongolians girls, I believe was Amy.

37. I called Abdul Razak Baginda who was at home to inform him of the events taking place at his front gate. He then called DSP Musa Safri and called me back informing me that Musa Safri would be calling handphone and I was to pass the phone to the Inspector from Dang Wangi Police Station.

38. I then received a call on my handphone from Musa Safri and duly handed the phone to the Dang Wangi Inspector. The conversation lasted 3 – 4 minutes after which he told the girls to disperse and to go to see him the next day.

39. On or about the 24.10.2006, Abdul Razak Baginda instructed me to accompany him to the Brickfields police station as he had been advised to lodge a police report about the harassment he was receiving from these Mongolian girls.

40. Before this, Amy had sent me an SMS informing me she was going to Thailand to lodge a report with the Mongolian consulate there regarding Aminah’s disappearance. Apparently she had sent the same SMS to Abdul Razak Baginda. This is why he told me he had been advised to lodge a police report.

41. Abdul Razak Baginda informed me that DPS Musa Safri had introduced him to one DSP Idris, the head of the Criminal division, Brickfields police station, and that Idris had referred him to ASP Tonny.

42. When Abdul Razak Baginda had lodged his police report at Brickfields police station, in front of ASP Tonny, he was asked to make a statement but he refused as he said he was leaving for overseas. He did however promise to prepare a statement and hand ASP Tonny a thumb drive. I know that this was not done as ASP Tonny told me.

43. However ASP Tonny asked me the next day to provide my statement instead and so I did.

44. I stopped working for Abdul Razak Baginda on the 26.10.2006 as this was the day he left for Hong Kong on his own.

45. In mid November 2006, I received a phone call from ASP Tonny from the IPK Jalan Hang Tuah asking me to see him regarding Aminah’s case. When I arrived there I was immediately arrested under S.506 of the Penal Code for Criminal intimidation.

46. I was then placed in the lock up and remanded for 5 days. On the third day I was released on police bail.

47. At the end of November 2006, the D9 department of the IPK sent a detective to my house to escort me to the IPK Jalan Hang Tuah. When I arrived, I was told I was being arrested under S.302 of the Penal Code for murder. I was put in the lock up and remanded for 7 days.

48. I was transported to Bukit Aman where I was interrogated and questioned about an SMS I had received from Abdul Razak Baginda on the 19.10.2006 which read “delay her until my man arrives”. They had apparently retrieved this message from Abdul Razak Baginda’s handphone.

49. They then proceeded to record my statement from 8.30 a.m. to 6.00 p.m. everyday for 7 consecutive days. I told them all I knew including everything Abdul Razak Baginda and Aminah had told me about their relationships with Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak but when I came to sign my statement, these details had been left out.

50. I have given evidence in the trial of Azilah, Sirul and Abdul Razak Baginda at the Shah Alam High Court. The prosecutor did not ask me any questions in respect of Aminah’s relationship with Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak or of the phone call I received from DSP Musa Safri, whom I believe was the ADC for Datuk Seri Najib Razak and/or his wife.

51. On the day Abdul Razak Baginda was arrested, I was with him at his lawyers office at 6.30 a.m. Abdul Razak Baginda informed us that he had sent Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak an SMS the evening before as he refused to believe he was to be arrested, but had not received a response.

52. Shortly thereafter, at about 7.30 a.m., Abdul Razak Baginda received an SMS from Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak and showed, this message to both myself and his lawyer. This message read as follows :- “ I am seeing IGP at 11.00 a.m. today …… matter will be solved … be cool”.

53. I have been made to understand that Abdul Razak Baginda was arrested the same morning at his office in the Bangunan Getah Asli, Jalan Ampang.

54. The purpose of this Statutory declaration is to :-

54.1 State my disappointment at the standard of investigations conducted by the authorities into the circumstances surrounding the murder of Altantuya Shaaribuu.

54.2 Bring to the notice of the relevant authorities the strong possibility that there are individuals other than the 3 accused who must have played a role in the murder of Altantuya Shaaribuu.

54.3 Persuade the relevant authorities to reopen their investigations into this case immediately so that any fresh evidence may be presented to the Court prior to submissions at the end of the prosecutions case.

54.4 Emphasize the fact that having been a member of the Royal Malaysian Police Force for 17 years I am absolutely certain no police officer would shoot someone in the head and blow up their body without receiving specific instructions from their superiors first.

54.5. Express my concern that should the defence not be called in the said murder trial, the accused, Azilah and Sirul will not have to swear on oath and testify as to the instructions they received and from whom they were given.

55. And I make this solemn declaration conscientiously believing the same be true and by virtue of the provisions of the Statutory Declaration Act 1960.

SUBCRIBED and solemnly )

declared by the abovenamed )

Balasubramaniam a/l Perumal ]

this day of 2008 )

Before me,

………………………………….

Commissioner for Oath

Kuala Lumpur



* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

Of Optimism, Opportunity & the Opposition



Is the Opposition coalition crumbling like a cookie? Is the door for real, relevant and radical change slowly closing in on us? Shall we just call it a day as we witness Umno’s final curtain of a failed State? Or shall we remain committed to a change in government no matter how challenging? Perhaps part of the answer begins with a review of the Opposition in 2009.
 
By Martin Jalleh

2009 saw the end of the euphoria that enveloped the whole country after the political tsunami of March 2008. It was a year during which the Opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat (PR), was brought down to earth and was forced to face the enormity of the challenge to deliver what they had promised during the elections.
It was also a year when the public increasingly perceived the fledging PR to be a “fragile”, “feuding”, “fraying” “faltering” coalition – one that was “not on a firm footing”. For some members of the public, trusting the PR enough to vote them in as the next Federal government was farthest from their minds!
One would have thought that PR, after having lost Perak to the BN in Feb. 2009, as a result of Umno's subterfuge and scheming, would come to its senses and seek an inseparable synergy. But they continued on with their petty and puerile inter and intra public squabbles, spats and skirmishes, much to the surprise and scorn of the public and the satisfaction of Umno!
Meanwhile, the great hope which the apolitical Hindraf gave to the Indians and in fact to the whole country came to a grinding halt. Some of its highbrowed leaders haggled over its future, hurled accusations at one another, hauled one another to court, and accused PR of hypocrisy. By year’s end, a splintered Hindraf appeared headless, helpless, hopeless and headed for oblivion!

Successes
 
Coming back to PR, in contrast to those disappointed, disillusioned and even disgusted over what they felt was the coalition’s failure to deliver and to stop its disunity, there were PR diehards who felt that it was too early to dismiss PR altogether or declare its death sentence. It deserved more time and trust to prove itself -- even though time was not on its side!
“Are we being fair to Pakatan Rakyat?” asked a reader of Harakah Daily, Li Fook Gao. He commented: “Yes, we gave birth to PR – but unfortunately we expected too much in return and to make things worse, we expected PR to deliver instant results. We expected those 100 apples in PR’s bag to be 100 per cent perfect. When we find two or three rotten apples, we are very quick to punish PR and ask for a refund immediately.”
He concluded: “PR’s survival and success is about us and our country more than it is about PR or BN’s political prosperity. We must ensure that PR survives and becomes the big brother in Malaysia’s politics to kick-start healthy competition between BN and PR…For a better Malaysia, we need PR. Punishing them now will lead us to back to BN’s dictatorship, and that’s exactly what BN wants us to do.”
In 2009, the opposition coalition was only less than two years old as compared to the BN of more than 50 years. It was their first time ruling and PR was made up of many first-timers with very divergent ideologies and inclinations and like any coalition, has an assortment of leaders such as the enlightened, the exceptional, the enigmatic, the erratic, the eccentric, the egocentric, etc.!
Further, PR, like any new organisation, was going through the forming-norming-storming process in order to transcend to a performing and transforming phase. Slowly but surely PR was making made a big leap in its maturing process. The concerted cohesiveness and clarity with which it handled and responded to the “Allah controversy” is an excellent example.
Further, PR was ruling their states quite well. The Auditor-General (AG) gave the highest rating to Selangor and Penang in terms of good governance since March 2008, which compared very favourably against BN-ruled states. The AG also gave a commendable rating to the PR’s performance during its 11-month rule in Perak. Penang was also praised by Transparency International.
In 2009, PR also contributed significantly to Parliament in the form of better and bolder participation and stronger and more sensible arguments during Question Time and debates. In July, PR formed parliamentary committees in tandem with 25 government ministries to help its MPs deliberate on important bills and issues including the Budget.
Even in terms of by-elections, PR fared considerably well in spite of them having to come up against BN's juggernaut of man, machinery, media, money and muscle. There was a time when it was a foregone conclusion that the BN would be the winner in any by-election. But in 2009 (a year of by-elections), PR and BN faced off seven times, with the opposition pact winning five times to BN's two.

Shortcomings

The successes of PR were however overshadowed by its many setbacks and shortcomings. In Aug., Anwar conceded that his party PKR was the “weakest link” in PR and that “there is a flaw in our vetting system. We rushed to choose candidates to contest in the last general elections but I promise that this will be improved.”
In Oct., PR was humbled in the Bagan Pinang by-election. Before PAS could reveal the results of its post-mortem, Anwar without any hesitation attributed the defeat to the “weaknesses and shortcomings” in PR. Some supporters were even relieved that PR had lost! It was a much-needed harsh wakeup call.
Lethargy had set in as the year went by. PR was being lackadaisical. If not for the political lassitude of 20 missing PR MPs in Parliament, the BN's Budget Bill (in mid-Dec.) could have been voted out and PR could have won a vote of no confidence against the BN government. The coalition was resting on its laurels. It was also lagging behind and looked rather lost at times in its efforts to make inroads into East Malaysia.
An exasperated Lim Kit Siang warned: "Pakatan Rakyat had been suffering a prolonged and unceasing bout of loss of public confidence... to convince the Malaysian electorate in its credibility, cohesion, integrity and common sense of purpose.” PR may be only a “one-term miracle”, he prodded them on.
As the PR chief, Anwar also received a lot of stick from his comrades and supporters. In Feb., Karpal Singh slammed Anwar for “creating enough trouble” and asked him to quit. Raja Petra, a strong critic and supporter of Anwar said that the latter was in a “self-destructive mode”. Others accused Anwar for being too soft and slow to stop those who threatened the well-being of PR. But the seasoned politician took the slaps in his stride.
The latest ruckus, rigmarole and rubbish churned out by Zulklifi Nordin and Zahrain Mohd Hashim reinforced the fact that the PR has its fair share of riff-raff, rascals, rotten apples, and renegades who want to ruin the PR for good. Whilst there is no need to be alarmist, such political rogues should not be allowed to run riot. They need to be reined in, reproved or removed!

Sabotage

Umno spent 2009 in making a mockery of the people’s mandate given to the Opposition by sabotaging the PR-ruled states through the manipulation and maneuvering of key institutions of democracy such as the judiciary, the office of the attorney-general, the police and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission.
Najib himself explicitly inferred that the institutions were no longer impartial. Tengku Razaleigh pointed at Umno as being the source of the faltering institutions, adding that Umno has “become corrupt, this corruption has weakened it, and as it grows weaker it is tempted more and more to fan racial feeling and abuse public institutions to maintain power. This is a death spiral.”
The stage for the Sodomy II Trial or show-trial was set up in 2009,  the 10th anniversary of the first trial. Sivarasa Rasiah a PKR vice-president would write: “…what is really at stake here is the use of this framed up case as a political weapon to stop the advance of Anwar Ibrahim and the political movement of PR that he leads which threatens the very existence and future of the current BN government and its key leaders.”
With the help of the mainstream media, the ICT and the internet, and Apco Worldwide, a global Public Relations consultant, employed to re-engineer and redeem the PM’s flagging image, PR was portrayed as weak, wavering and wobbling. Umno was on the other hand presented as a party that was reformed, with Najib back in the saddle rendering rhetoric and all ready to take the country for a ride!
PR’s successes were downplayed. Detractors, dissidents and disgruntled leaders within the coalition were used to derail its progress. Attention on Umno’s scandals and schisms were diverted by distractions of all sorts. Federal funds to the PR-ruled States were either denied, delayed or distributed discriminately. Along the way, people and things disappeared!
PR leaders were demonised. Anwar whom Umno had once deemed “irrelevant” was denounced as a “traitor”. (Ironically from the speeches and stance of Dr M and Tengku Razaleigh, it is Umno that has become increasingly “irrelevant”!). Umno was displayed as the great defender of Islam, the Malay race and the royalty and self-declared the “People's Champion”.
But it soon became very clear that Najib’s “culture of change” was a mere charade, claptrap and chicanery. One need only to look at 2009 – a year of big slogans, buckling economy, bad judgments, brutal police, biased mainstream media, “bloody racists” and burgeoning bigotry – to easily spot the leopard in Umno!
The forming of Perkasa by a man who keeps on party hopping to save his own hide, and who now wants to bring hope to the Malays by harping and hanging on to Umno’s racist past, reduced Najib’s “inclusive” Umno to hollow hype and hypocrisy. The fact that Perkasa’s Selangor chapter was launched by the “Father of all racists” gave Najib a further headache!
On the last day of the year 2009, Lim Kit Siang noted that Najib’s promises were nothing but play-acting, i.e. a mere “performance”: “After nine months (of Najib’s premiership), 1Malaysia. People First. Performance Now has proved to be mere publicity and propaganda puff of Najib’s premiership with no meaningful change or consequence to the lives of Malaysians.” The performance persists till today.
The fire bombs on churches as the aftermath of a landmark ruling by the Kuala Lumpur High Court on the Allah issue, reduced to ashes Najib’s 1Malaysia boast. After being PM for almost a year, and being obsessed with annihilating the PR, Najib failed to fight the fires of racial and religious fanaticism often fiercely fanned by his own party and the Umno-owned Utusan Malaysia which has what Nazri Aziz calls, "an outdated racist propaganda”. 

Soldiering On

A dead constitution, a divided nation, decaying institutions, a dour economy and a PM dogged by allegations – perhaps the events and issues of the year 2009 point to the pressing reality that all real, relevant and radical change in Bolehland can only come about by a change of Government!
Coming back to PR, the leaders of the coalition were undaunted by the onslaught of a desperate Umno and the tasks ahead. In Dec. 2009, PAS MP Dzulkefly Ahmad introduced the PR’s Common Policy Framework as a “Dawn of a New Awakening” – a daring framework of common goals and grounds derived out of debate and discussion of the three parties, determined to deliver the "revolution of a political culture" in unison.
The leaders of PR must realise that the road to Putrajaya requires stomach, stamina, solidarity and the sacrifice of personal agendas and parochial party issues for the nation’s larger scheme of things. Sloganeering and navel gazing will not do. With each passing day they need to be reminded of the dictum like the 1,500 delegates at PR’s 1st National Convention were: “Perform or Perish!”
The Opposition is not alone on the narrow less-travelled path to Putrajaya. There are many Malaysians like those the country witnessed in 2009, with an indomitable, intrepid and inspirational spirit who are willing to pay the price to bring about the change the nation so badly needs, be they ordinary citizens, government servants, politicians or even judges.
But the nagging question many are prompted to ask is whether the members and the leaders of the Opposition are ready? They have to make the choice of either seizing the moment or selling their souls!


(The above article is an edited version from a series of articles by the author on a review of the year 2009 published in the latest issue of Aliran Monthly. Get a copy, its a “must read”!)



* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

"Something's rotten in the state of Denmark" ..all is not well at the top of our political hierarchy!




Yang Amat Berhormat Dato' Seri  Mohd. Najib bin Tun Abdul Razak, Prime Minister of Malaysia and President of UMNO is theoretically the head honcho in this part of the world. Numero Uno and Capo Di Tutti Capi (Boss of all). In as far as Malaysia is concerned there is nobody above him in the executive area. Theoretically, where it matters, he outranks everybody -even Mahathir!
Aisehman, in theory lah! 


By Steadyaku47


But just let us back up for a minute. Does he really outrank Mahathir? Does he outrank Muhyiddin? We all know that in most Embassies it is not the Ambassador that really matters! The Ambassador attends dinners and become the doyen of the social scene – while his number two or the head of intelligence really runs the show.
So here in Malaysia, Muhyiddin is number two. Number two does not become number one until number one goes. You think so? You must come from a galaxy far far away if you believe that! The jury is still out on whether it is Muhyiddin or Mahathir that will decide when Najib goes … but it is definitely not Najib. Then they tell you that you must not forget the oft-mentioned (in hush and revered tones by UMNO stalwarts) “Warlords” within the upper echelons of UMNO’s ruling elite. These “Warlords” are in a class of their own. Agreed. A class that outranks everybody within UMNO when it comes to grabbing the spoils of Politics from the National coffers! Heh heh heh … 
Then there are the “others” … who are just about equal. But even here the doctrine of “primus inter pares” prevails. No, I am not trying to impress you with my knowledge of Latin - it is just a phrase which indicates that a person is the most senior of a group of people sharing the same rank. And what is the rank or office held? It is those people or group of people that holds “Najib by his balls”! 
First among the equals (for now!) is this Saiful guy … or should I say gay? This arsehole (figuratively and literally if you want to be unkind and I do want to be unkind!) he has got Najib by the balls. As I am fond of reminding everybody – when you have a guy by his balls … his heart and mind follows unquestionably. But seriously, Najib, may I ask what business is it of yours to find out what is in, or was, or still is, within Saiful's anus? Or to be more exact, what business is it of the Malaysian Judiciary to find out what is in Saiful's anus? Is this the best you can do to get the opposition and Anwar out of your way? Why? Is the election process so intimidating that you are prepared to subject yourself and our already tainted Judiciary and all of Malaysia to the ridicule of the world by persisting with this sodomy two case against Anwar?
What will happen if Najib gets a call from Saiful tonight:
Hello?
Ni Saiful, Dato' Seri.
Ummmm … hari ni macham mana di Mahkamah?
OK, Dato' Seri. Keadaan terkawal tapi saya rasa … yadayadayada … (as Seinfeld will say!) … and you can be sure that when Saiful asks Najib to jump, Najib will ask  ‘how high’ . Word of advice to Saiful – make hay while the sun shines.
Get my drift? For now, this Saiful guy controls Najib’s future. Saiful decides whether Najib will remain as PM. If you were Najib would you not face each day with dread and trepidation wondering what will come out in the courts as the case unfolds? Already you are being subpoenaed by Anwar. Your wife too. You control the Judiciary but will you know what will come out from the defense team? The right honorable Karpal Singh will now have the opportunity of cross-examining you and your wife. Already, Karpal is salivating just at the thought that this case will put you in the dock, under oath, without PDRM or UTK around to do your bidding. Do you think you can outsmart the Lion of Jelutong in a one-on-one face-off? Ahhh words fail me but the prospects to come of this confrontation will surely make my day today – any day! Better than eating Nasi Dagang - and you all know that I never ever put anything above having my favorite Nasi Dagang from Kampong Baru! 
A close second is Razak Baginda, Bala and the two UTK ‘fall guys”. The three are on the same level. I say almost because that Razak Baginda guy is A-Ok in London. A-OK financially and without worries about being arrested – by PDRM, MACC or Jakim. The two UTK fall guys are in the “keadaan terkawal” mode. Bala is a loose cannon but he has a credibility problem with what he says though I am sure he still has a few aces up his sleeves when push comes to shove.
And then, as one of our friends have reminded me … there are the “pictures” and “sightings” that other interested Government and “persons unknown” from “parts unknown” have that would be “of interest” to us. The mind boggles at the myriads of possibilities … but like the Karpal thing, these possibilities and prospects brighten the otherwise wretched existence of the much trodden and deprived Rakyat of this nation.
What about the three frogs from Perak! Najib must have had to force himself to deal with those sleazebags but he had to! To survive in UMNO requires one to have the ability to lower oneself to the level of all those that you have to deal with – so if you have to deal with greedy, corrupt and unprincipled frogs – you become one! Of course, with practice you become better at it as time goes by. Hell, he might even begin to enjoy doing it, as it becomes part and parcel of his survival mode. 
Now, we must not forget Rosmah. She ranks quite low. Below Bala and the two UTK fall guys … or as some bright spark might insist on saying … under Bala and the two UTK fall guys! Do you think Rosmah will ever be able to rise to the occasion? Do her duty as Azizah did when she stepped forward in Anwar’s absence to do what she must for her husband? This will indeed be a sight to behold. She must already be busy dieting to show her very best side in court! It is one thing to have your airbrushed images plastered all over the NSTP  - another to stand in court for all to view you “unbrushed!”. She will never forgive you, Najib for subjecting her to all this. Methinks her bite and her bark is as good as you will ever get in this part of the world … bar possibly that of Mahathir! With Najib she has power and money! Without Najib she is nothing. It is in her interest to keep Najib  where he is. Nevertheless, Najib knows Rosmah knows too much. So he is beholden to her. I am not too sure what “beholden” means but I have been assured that it is not good to be “beholden” to anybody. Not even your wife. Especially if your wife is Rosmah!
And then of course there is  Mahathir. Did Najib owe his early but very timely (the Altantuya case was closing down on him) entry into the Prime Minister’s Office to Mahathir? Was it not Mahathir that finally drove Pak Lah into the sunset? Was it not Mahathir that persuaded Muhyiddin to “tunggu sekejap” and get behind Najib for the time being? And for all that what is the pay off? The down payment was a son in Cabinet. God knows what has come since then.
So when you think of all this, is Najib really the head Honcho? Capo Di Tutti Capi? Does he call the shots in Malaysia? Is he really the Prime Minister of Malaysia or simply a seat warmer for who is to come next! Heck! What can he really do? Well, for starters, we know that he can instruct PDRM, the Judiciary and all relevant Government Machineries to go see what is in the anus of this Saiful person. Najib’s and UMNO’s political future depends upon the outcome of this investigation. Or more to the point, UMNO is now so desperate, so bankrupt and so devoid of options for its own survival that it has to resort to the unsavory act of trying to prove what was in the arsehole of this Saiful gay for its own survival! 
After this sodomy two case, whatever the verdict, in as far as Anwar is concerned there is closure. Whatever appeal, if any, will be part of the continuing saga of DSAI. But Anwar has gone through the legal process and he has had his day in court and been judged by a judiciary however tainted. There is closure.
Najib meantime has still to submit himself to the same process for his part in the murder of Altantuya (to mention just one issue!). And so we wait! It is taking forever to try and resolve Perwaja. Eric Chia went to his grave denying the elephant in the living room. PKFZ is just starting. Then there are the Teoh Beng Hock, Kugan, Istana Mahligai of the Toyo’s, Perak … too many to list … all of these floating around and waiting to be resolved. As the Aussies like to say, these cases might go around for a walkabout to the never never … but somehow, sometime, somewhere in the near future it will all be resolved. It will all come out! Until then we will sit and watch the spectacle of Najib and UMNO and the Judiciary become the butt (forgive the pun, but I just could not help myself!) of jokes and ridicule all over the world all just because of Saiful’s arsehole that is no bigger than the minds of those UMNO “leaders” that is now running … or should I say ruining - our country. Stupidity, thy name is UMNO!



* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.

Political dangers and impact in jailing Anwar

Will Anwar’s jailing help BN retain power or will it do the opposite and boost the opposition’s chances? If the prosecution can prove an ironclad case the political fallout will be limited but if Anwar’s conviction is seen as a travesty of justice BN will pay a heavy political price.

By Kenny Gan of Harakah

As the trial of Anwar Ibrahim progresses under the scrutiny of the Malaysian public and the watchful eyes of the international community, we are once again faced with a disturbingly familiar repeat of the infamous events that transpired eleven years ago.

The dubious way in which the previous Anwar trials were conducted left the public seething at the crude parody of justice. It generated a political aftershock for BN and left a black mark in the nation’s history.

Many Malaysians believe the present charge against Anwar are politically motivated and the conduct of the prosecution has reinforced their doubts. Few believe that Anwar will get a fair trial.

Will Anwar’s jailing help BN retain power or will it do the opposite and boost the opposition’s chances? If the prosecution can prove an ironclad case the political fallout will be limited but if Anwar’s conviction is seen as a travesty of justice BN will pay a heavy political price.

To gauge the political effect of jailing Anwar it is instructive to recount the impact of the previous conviction and compare the different socio-political environment in the intervening twelve years.

Back to 1998

In 1998 when Anwar was charged for sodomy and abuse of power, Mahathir was the Prime Minister and he ruled over a Barisan National political machine which faced no creditable challenge by the then fragmented opposition. The premier’s authoritarian style earned him the label of ‘dictator’ and his liberal use of the ISA to quell dissent invoked a climate of fear.

Although Mahathir achieved his aim of jailing Anwar, the effect of Anwar’s downfall a decade ago could not have been what he had foreseen or desired. Despite the most heavy-handed and crude methods, he also failed to destroy Anwar politically or personally.

The twists and turns of the trial, the controversial rulings and the wholly disproportionate sentence convinced nobody. Anwar’s unfortunate beating in prison and his appearance with a black eye caused a public outcry. Despite the valiant attempts of the supine mass media to demonize Anwar, the majority of Malaysians believed that Anwar was a victim of political conspiracy after a fallout with Mahathir.

It created a political and social crisis which reverberates to this day. The U.S. State Department called the sodomy trial an abuse of human rights which was only one of a multitude of condemnations which poured in from overseas. The judiciary became the laughing stock of the international community.

Domestically, Mahathir’s reputation suffered serious harm with calls for him to resign. Demonstrations which were previously unknown in Malaysia broke out with cries of ‘Reformasi!’ and “Mahathir Resign!” They were forcibly suppressed but the anger in the hearts of the people and the disquiet created in civil society lingered to this day.

The social forces unleashed led to the birth of the National Justice Party which was later to become Parti Keadilan Rakyat. The party’s symbol is an eye against a light blue background to denote Anwar’s famous black eye.

The General Election of 1999

The injustice meted out to Anwar caused the three main opposition parties – DAP, PAS and Keadilan –  to come together into an electoral coalition called Barisan Alternatif to harness the wave of the public anger. However, this failed to unseat BN or deny BN two-thirds majority in the general election of 1999.

There were many reasons for this, chiefly being the non-Malays’ fear of PAS as Islamic extremists which PAS did nothing to assuage and in fact foolishly exacerbated with calls for an Islamic State. Mahathir also courted the Chinese, aware that his relationship with the Malays was severely strained. About 650,000 newly registered young voters were prevented from voting on the specious excuse that there was not enough time to register them. Hundreds of pages of pro-BN advertisements were published in the one-sided mass media and the playing up of inter-ethnic fear ensured that there was no fair election.

In the end, it was the non-Malays who saved Mahathir from a humiliating loss of BN’s two-thirds majority, which would have forced his immediate exit. There was a significant Malay swing against BN and for the first time, Umno’s share of the Malay vote dropped below 50%.

PAS turned out to be the chief beneficiary, increasing its parliamentary seats from 7 to 27 and capturing Terengganu as it rode on the groundswell of Malay anger over the Anwar injustice. After the election, a joke circulating around at that time was that the difference between a Malay and a Chinese was that the Chinese supported Umno!

Mahathir announced his resignation as Umno President and Prime Minister in 2002, acutely aware that his relationship with the Malays was broken. The baton was handed over to Abdullah Badawi in 2003 and the following general election in 2004 saw BN winning its best performance ever with 90% of parliamentary seats, not because of Badawi’s popularity but because Mahathir was gone.

But the reverberations from the 1999 sodomy case did not end there. After Anwar was released from prison, he forged an electoral pact between PKR, PAS and DAP which resulted in the loss of BN’s two-thirds majority in Parliament and 5 states in the 2008 general election. From this stunning opposition gains, Pakatan Rakyat was born.

Socio-economic differences

Although all this is history, they are worth recounting because one can learn from the past in order not to repeat the same mistakes.

In 1998 the mass media was under much tighter control and the online world was at its infancy.  The words ‘blog’, ‘facebook’ or ‘twitter’ had not been invented and Internet penetration was low at less than 15%. It has now exceeded 70%.

People are now far more connected than a decade ago with the proliferation of the online world with its news, blogs, discussion groups, social networking sites, e-mail, mobile phones and SMS. The trial proceedings will be reported in detail, analyzed and dissected. Nothing can be hidden, distorted or obfuscated.

No amount of spinning in the mainstream media will convince a public otherwise if injustice has been committed. It did not work in 1998 and it will not work now especially when the online world has reached mainstream status and there is a freer flow of information.

With the rise of Pakatan Rakyat, people’s expectations are higher and they are now more demanding of good and accountable government based on social justice and the rule of law. It is cavalier to think that Malaysians do not care about injustice and human right abuses as long as the economy performs well.

If Anwar can be convicted in a fair trial with his guilt proven beyond reasonable doubt, little political price need to be paid by the ruling regime but the existence of two medical reports that the accuser had not been sodomized has already tainted the prosecution’s case.

The believability of DNA evidence involves a strong element of trust in the efficiency, professionalism and impartiality of the law enforcement bodies. In a politically charged trial where a person is seen as the victim of the entire state apparatus the use of DNA evidence is less than convincing especially when an attempt was made to fix Anwar using planted DNA evidence in 1998.

We must also remember that the heady economic growth of the 1990’s engendered more tolerance for Mahathir’s autocracy while Najib has his hands full trying to keep the economy growing on the back of the world economic crisis.

We can hence expect deeper political and social consequences compared to 1998.

Political Consequences

The political ramifications this time around will be huge. Unlike 1999, the opposition parties have coalesced into a workable coalition and are ready to challenge BN for the seat of power, a far cry from just trying to grab as many seats as possible. A one party system has morphed into a two party system although BN is still in denial.

Non-Malays have also lost their fear of PAS and interethnic tensions have dissipated meaning that two powerful weapons that used to work with devastating efficiency to garner votes from the non-Malays have been lost.

With the non-Malays now overwhelmingly pro- Pakatan Rakyat, BN’s fortunes now depend on the Malays who are the very group likely to be incensed with any cruel and unjust treatment of Anwar.

It is worth noting that PAS’ gains in 1999 were in the rural Malay seats where it fishes in the same pond as Umno. With Umno now heavily dependent on the rural Malays to maintain its power, it seems reckless to put this voter base at risk with another clumsy and incredulous sodomy conviction.

A perception that Anwar had been unjustly jailed may create an anti-BN wave which the opposition can ride to victory and the non-Malays will not be saving BN this time around.

Social Consequences

Aside from the political consequences, a more insidious effect will be a crisis of public confidence in the law enforcement bodies which is already low. As these bodies need the cooperation and respect of the public to function effectively, this means their efficiency in tackling crime and corruption will be hobbled.

For example, the MACC has been seriously hobbled with the dive in public confidence following its one-sided investigations and Teoh Beng Hock’s death and will continue to be so until major revamps are made to instill back public confidence.

Society is traumatized by crude and offensive displays of injustice. The negative sentiment will affect private domestic investment which is already in decline and foreign investors will discouraged from investing in a country with a broken judiciary.

Unlike 1998 Anwar is now opposition leader. To jail him on a specious charge with a dubious trial will project the perception that an opposition leader has been jailed on sham charges to remove him from the political scene.

This will invite condemnations from the international community and put the country in the company of banana republics such as Myanmar and Zimbabwe. The negative image projected by the country will drive away tourists and discourage others from holding functions in Malaysia.

As for Najib, his hold on Umno will weaken with the decline in public support which may impair his ability to push through further reforms. Public support has a direct effect on his ability to control his party warlords whose personal interests do not always coincide with public interests.

What Now, Najib?

There is something called the law of unintended consequences. Instead of weakening the opposition by removing Anwar, the opposition may be rejuvenated instead and the public may rally around him as a martyr of injustice and a victim of abuse of power.

Mahathir harboured a deep personal animosity towards Anwar. He was willing to take any political risks to humiliate and destroy Anwar, even though general election was around the corner. The resulting social and political turmoil was acceptable collateral damage.

Without the cloud of personal animosity, Najib should act in a rational manner and weigh the political risks and social consequences against the uncertain gain.

A conviction which is widely perceived as unfair and a political conspiracy will fall squarely on Najib’s shoulders. Rightly or wrongly, he will be blamed so it is not just Anwar who is on trial but also Najib’s credibility and the Malaysian justice system.

It is to Najib’s interest that Anwar be given a fair trial and acquitted if there is no case. To push through a conviction on the basis of political expediency will unleash social forces which may sweep BN from power.



* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The blog owner does not endorse the view unless specified.
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